
Billionaire Tony Tan Caktiong's Jollibee Spending Record $366 Million For Expansion
Jollibee Foods—controlled by billionaire Tony Tan Caktiong and his family—is spending up to 21 billion pesos ($366 million) this year to bring its global footprint to over 10,000 stores.
The largest Philippine fast food chain will open up to 800 new stores this year with its coffee segment a key expansion driver, Richard Shin, chief financial officer of Jollibee, said in an email response to Forbes Asia's queries.
'Our expansion strategy remains anchored in our strategic framework, focusing on growing the coffee and tea segments,' Shin said. The Coffee Bean & Tea Leaf will lead the coffee segment's global expansion, while Compose Coffee, which was acquired last year, will continue strengthening its presence in South Korea for now, he said.
About 500 of the new stores will be opened outside of the Philippines, Shin said. Jollibee had 9,766 stores at the end of 2024, with 6,384 located overseas including 2,629 outlets of South Korea's Compose Coffee.
'We see strong potential for expansion in various international markets, particularly in Southeast Asia,' Shin said. 'Additionally, North America and Europe present exciting growth opportunities.'
Franchised outlets will account for 70% of new store openings this year.
Jollibee—known for its bestselling crispy fried chicken and sweet-sauced pasta—is focusing its expansion on franchising its flagship restaurant with franchised outlets accounting for 70% of new store openings year, Shin said.
A significant portion of Jollibee's capital expenditures this year will be spent on technology to drive transaction growth and revenue, Shin said. The rest will be spent on building new and renovating existing company-owned stores and constructing facilities such as new commissaries in the central Philippine island of Cebu.
In the past decade, Jollibee had stepped up its global expansion to meet its target of tripling its net income to 24 billion pesos from 8.8 billion pesos in 2023. It has also been investing in new segments such as coffee, while reducing losses at U.S. chain Smashburger, Shin said.
The group's net income rose 18% to 10.3 billion pesos in 2024 and Shin forecasts the net income will steadily increase to 11.9 billion pesos in 2025, 15 billion pesos in 2026 and reach 19 billion pesos in 2027.
Jollibee started in 1975 when Tan and his family opened an ice cream outlet in a Manila suburb that evolved into the first Jollibee restaurant three years later. The group has since grown globally, operating 19 brands including Chinese restaurant chain Tim Ho Wan and Vietnam's Highlands Coffee, across 34 countries. With a net worth of $2.9 billion, Tan and his family ranked No. 6 when Forbes Asia published the list of the Philippines richest in August.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
Elon Musk is no Ross Perot
The comparisons flood in. Elon Musk launches his 'America Party,' and every pundit reaches for the same tired parallel. Another Ross Perot. Another billionaire maverick. Another third-party earthquake waiting to happen. Wrong. Completely wrong. Musk represents everything Perot opposed. Where Perot stood for fiscal discipline, Musk embodies corporate welfare. Where Perot championed American manufacturing, Musk built his fortune on government funding and Chinese batteries. Where Perot offered genuine outsider credentials, Musk carries the stench of establishment cronyism. The surface similarities deceive. Both men possess massive wealth. Both nurse grudges against sitting presidents. Both promise to shake up the system. The differences run deeper than the Delaware River. Perot emerged from genuine business success. He built Electronic Data Systems from nothing. He created real value, real jobs, real innovation. His wealth came from solving actual problems, not gaming government handouts. Musk built his empire on taxpayer subsidies. Tesla survived on government credits. SpaceX feeds off NASA contracts. His companies consume public money like a Vegas slot machine consumes quarters. He represents the opposite of Perot's self-made independence. The timing exposes another crucial difference. Perot entered politics during America's economic malaise. Recession gripped the nation. Deficits soared. Voters craved fiscal responsibility. His message matched the moment. Musk launches his party during economic recovery. Stock markets reach record highs. Unemployment stays low. His fiscal responsibility message lands like a lead balloon in a helium factory. More importantly, Perot possessed something Musk lacks entirely: credibility on his core issue. When Perot talked about budget deficits, people listened. He had never taken government handouts. He understood business efficiency. He could legitimately claim outsider status. Musk talking about government waste sounds like a meth addict lecturing about sobriety. His companies gorged themselves on federal subsidies for decades. He personally benefited from programs he now claims to oppose. The hypocrisy stinks from orbit. The political landscape has also shifted dramatically since 1992. Perot faced two establishment candidates, the president, George H.W. Bush and his Democratic challenger Bill Clinton. Voters hungered for alternatives. The third-party lane stretched wide and inviting. Today's political map offers no such opening. Trump already occupies the anti-establishment space. He owns the outsider brand, despite being president. Musk cannot out-populist the master populist. The media environment has transformed beyond recognition. In 1992, Perot could command television attention through sheer novelty. Cable news was young. Social media did not exist. A billionaire buying airtime could reach millions of uncommitted voters. Now everyone screams into the digital void. Attention spans shrink by the nanosecond. Musk's X antics already overexpose him. His brand suffers from overexposure, not invisibility. Perot also offered policy substance beneath the theatrics. His deficit charts bored audiences, yet they conveyed serious proposals. He understood complex economic issues. His solutions made mathematical sense, even if they were politically unrealistic. Musk offers conspiracy theories and vanity projects. His policy knowledge barely scratches the surface. He confuses tweeting with governing. He mistakes social media engagement for political support. The coalition mathematics doom Musk from the start. Perot drew votes from both parties roughly equally. His appeal crossed traditional lines. Fiscal conservatives and government skeptics existed in both camps. Musk's potential supporters cluster overwhelmingly on the right. He cannot build a truly bipartisan coalition. Democratic voters despise him. His only hope lies in cannibalizing Republican support. This creates a fatal strategic problem. Every vote Musk gains likely comes from Trump's column. He cannot expand the anti-establishment coalition because he lacks cross-party appeal. He can only divide it. The structural barriers have hardened since Perot's time. Ballot access requirements have increased. Campaign finance laws favor established parties. The debate commission now excludes third parties more effectively. Perot qualified for the presidential debates in 1992. Those appearances legitimized his candidacy. Current rules make such inclusion nearly impossible. Without debate access, third parties wither in obscurity. The fundamental character differences matter most. Perot, for all his quirks, projected competence. He ran a disciplined campaign. He stayed on message. He treated politics seriously. Musk treats everything as a game. He changes positions hourly. He picks fights on social media. He lacks the temperament for sustained political combat. Perot understood American voters. He spoke their language. He shared their concerns. He offered real solutions to real problems. Musk lives in a Silicon Valley bubble. He mistakes X for reality. He confuses online engagement with electoral support. He fundamentally misunderstands the American electorate. The comparison insults Perot's legacy. He may have been eccentric, demanding and difficult, but he changed American politics permanently. He forced both parties to address fiscal responsibility. He proved that third parties could compete. Musk offers nothing comparable — no serious policy agenda, no coherent vision, no sustainable coalition. His proposed new party is just another billionaire's vanity project disguised as political reform. The America Party will follow the same trajectory as Musk's other attention-grabbing schemes — media frenzy, gradual reality, ultimate failure. John Mac Ghlionn is a writer and researcher who explores culture, society and the impact of technology on daily life.


New York Post
an hour ago
- New York Post
Seaport Entertainment mulling offers for 250 Water St. vacant lot
All summer eyes are on Seaport Entertainment Group, which is mulling offers for its valuable 1.1-acre vacant lot at 250 Water St., even as it grapples with losses at the Seaport's Tin Building. After Howard Hughes Corp. spun off SEG last summer, it wasn't clear what the new owners would do with 250 Water St., a short stroll from the Seaport's busy Pier 17, where HHC spent years planning and winning city approvals for a new, mixed-use project. 3 A rendering of the proposed Seaport Tower at 250 Water St. Skidmore, Owings & Merrill 3 Original design of 250 Water Street featured two tall towers on a podium base. Howard Hughes Corporation/SOM We predicted in January that SEG, which is not in the development business, would put the site up for sale. Two months later, they tapped JLL to sift offers, Crains reported. Seaport CEO Anton Nikodemus said in a conference call that more than 130 'potential buyers or partners' expressed interest. Now, sources told Realty Check, they've winnowed the list down to three or four, but no names have yet emerged. SEG didn't respond to multiple requests for comment. Meanwhile, SEG just took what it called an 'administrative step' to 'complete the process' of a plan it announced in January to 'internalize food and beverage operations at many of our wholly-owned and joint venture-owned restaurants.' The publicly traded company announced on June 30 it 'terminated' the Tin Building management agreement with Jean-Georges Vongerichten's Creative Culinary Management Company. 3 Chef Jean-Georges Vongerichten. Tamara Beckwith Vongerichten Management CEO Lois Freedman explained to us, 'What was more a management agreement now is a licensing agreement.' SEG earlier said it took a $33 million loss on the Tin Building in 2024. Although a small section was closed off, it remains open and its House of the Red Pearl restaurant remains a hot Chinese destination.


CNBC
6 hours ago
- CNBC
Tesla supplier CATL has potential beyond just batteries, analysts say
For Tesla supplier Contemporary Amperex Technology , selling battery packs to major electric companies is just the start of its ambitions. "We believe the company is not just a hardware manufacturer, but it will also be a software ecosystem provider," Morgan Stanley analysts led by Jack Lu said in a report Wednesday. They pointed to CATL's artificial intelligence-powered tools for monitoring batteries on the road and giving early safety warnings. "As AI develops, the ecosystem will likely further evolve and provide more value added soft services to customers," the Morgan Stanley analysts said, noting that improved safety will also strengthen CATL's business partnerships and competitiveness. Morgan Stanley raised its price target on CATL's Hong Kong-listed shares to 445 Hong Kong dollars ($56.69), up 14% from 390 HKD previously. The new price target is nearly 18% above where CATL closed Friday, after reaching an intraday high of 395 HKD on Thursday. That was the highest since CATL shares listed in Hong Kong on May 20 in the world's biggest IPO of 2025. The company's mainland-listed shares have traded at an abnormally large discount to the Hong Kong shares. CATL also looks to be a step closer to generating revenue from licensing. Ford agreement U.S. automaker Ford has planned to open a battery factory through a licensing agreement with CATL. But the deal came under intense U.S. scrutiny , while there were concerns that Ford would lose advanced manufacturing tax credits. But Ford in the last week said it expects its BlueOval Battery Park in Michigan will benefit from such tax credits, and " remains on track to begin production of lithium iron phosphate (LFP) batteries in 2026." While the release did not mention CATL, analysts were hopeful. "This recent news is positive in that it appears there is tacit acceptance of the licensing arrangement," Macquarie analysts Eugene Hsiao and Fergus Kwan said in a report Wednesday, noting the development "helps to remove one key headwind on the shares." Neither CATL nor Ford immediately responded to a CNBC request for comment. CATL could receive 1.3 billion yuan ($181 million) in annual licensing fees if BlueOval operates near full capacity by 2027, although the battery company's profits won't likely benefit until then, the Macquarie analysts said. They have a price target of 360 HKD on CATL shares. U.S. scrutiny But CATL remains under broader scrutiny in the U.S. Earlier this year, the Pentagon added CATL to a "Chinese military" list that prohibits the U.S. Department of Defense from buying the company's products starting in 2026. CATL at the time said the designation was "a mistake" and that it "is not engaged in any military-related activities." "We believe geopolitical risk between China and the U.S. is already priced into the shares," the Macquarie analysts said. "Strong earnings fundamentals from market share gains in Europe, coinciding with increased shareholder returns, should lead to a valuation re-rating." CATL has pledged 90% of the funds raised by going public would support its expansion into Europe , especially a factory in Hungary that's nearing completion. The company last month also said a subsidiary has reached a deal in Indonesia for a $6 billion project that aims to cover nickel mining and processing, battery production and battery recycling. "We maintain our Buy rating for CATL," Bank of America analysts led by Ming Hsun Lee said in a July 2 report, "given its industry-leading battery technology and new product strategy to protect its market share, as well as its edge in technology and scale to drive more room for cost savings and sustained high" gross profit margins. The analysts have a 400 HKD price target on the stock. They highlighted that, in CATL's main line of business, Xiaomi will use the CATL's battery in its popular YU7 SUV, "which should be positive to CATL's [market] share in China." CATL has also built business partnerships in new technologies around battery swapping and packs designed specifically for hybrid-powered cars . Geely -backed electric car company Zeekr on Wednesday announced its hybrid driving system is based on CATL's "Freevoy Super Hybrid Battery." The technology will be used in Zeekr's first hybrid vehicle, the 9X SUV, which has a range of 380 kilometers on a single charge and is set to begin deliveries in China by the end of September, a statement said. — CNBC's Michael Bloom contributed to this report.