
Action needed to reopen public toilets in Newport
Earlier this year, cabinet members confirmed they would spend £15,000 on exploring the reopening of public toilets, as part of 'bread and butter' budget proposals that focused on residents' key issues.
'I questioned the costs at the time – because £15,000 was what the council said it would save closing the public toilets in Caerleon (in 2018),' said Cllr Evans, who leads the Conservative opposition group in Newport.
'Clearly you've got to find a lot more money than that. It's woefully inadequate. Where's the progress?' he asked.
Local Conservative campaigner Michael Enea has called the project a 'mystery' and claimed other councils across Britain had spent sums ranging from £60,000 to £400,000 on building or reopening public toilets.
He also expressed surprise there was not more detail on public toilets in the city centre's new placemaking plan, which the council recently unveiled.
A Newport City Council spokesperson said the funding set aside in this year's budget, for the proposal to reopen public toilets, was 'sufficient'.
'Plans are progressing and further details will be made available when those are finalised', the spokesperson said, before noting there are public toilets available in 'several city centre locations including Friars Walk and the Kingsway Centre, as well as some other businesses, and in venues across the city'.
The spokesperson also said councils 'do not have a statutory duty to provide public conveniences, but we do provide them in many of our buildings and parks'.
However, Cllr Evans called public toilet provision a 'necessity' and said he had 'lost count of how many' public toilets have closed in Newport.
He argued the council should 'start' its plans to reopen some sites by looking at the commercial centre.
He said: 'The city centre functions 24 hours a day, and we need to provide that service 24 hours a day.'
The council said providing public toilets comes 'with an ongoing cost for maintenance and cleaning, and that would be significant if they were open 24 hours a day'.
'We will continue to monitor the situation in relation to public toilets more generally,' the council spokesperson added.
Cllr Evans also suggested developers could be compelled to build public toilets on some sites, as part of conditions attached to planning permission.
'It's quite easy to put as a planning condition, and something that should be an easy way of dealing with the issue – a quick win', he claimed, adding: 'The population is growing, we need to provide essential services.'

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The 'tax burden' on the whole economy is high, but taxes on many 'working people' are at a multi-decade low. Economists measure the 'tax wedge' – the percentage of labour costs that become taxes of any sort – and for an average single worker in the UK, this is among the lowest in the developed world: below the US, Japan, Ireland and Canada. The uncomfortable truth is that our tax system is narrowly focused on workers with good jobs (60 per cent of income tax is paid by the top 10 per cent of earners) while others (landlords and pensioners) get a much easier ride. The basic rate of income tax has not risen – not once, not by a penny – for more than 50 years. During that time the average life expectancy of people in the UK has increased by almost ten years, and as a result, our spending on healthcare and pensions as a share of GDP has doubled. We now face a plethora of other steeply rising costs: from managing climate change (£14bn to build a new nuclear power station in Suffolk) to defence (more than £70bn a year by 2027) and even the asylum system, where accommodation alone is expected to cost £15bn over a decade. We remain frighteningly over-exposed to sudden changes in the cost of energy – a source of constant panic in the Treasury. Our creaking transport network, crumbling schools and overwhelmed NHS need rebuilding and maintaining. But for five decades, as successive governments have tried to keep the cost of the state off the balance sheet, costs such as tuition fees (a graduate tax by another name) have contributed to this sense of being squeezed, and so the idea of raising the basic rate has remained taboo. The truth is that middle earners are not being taxed enough for the kind of state we want. Taxes need to rise. Our crisis of delusion about the tax system has put public finances on an unsustainable path. The longer we refuse to face up to this reality, the more painful the situation will become. Every targeted tweak creates a new interest group with which the public can sympathise, while the central problem at the heart of the British state persists. Failure to address this may cost Labour the next election, leaving a Reform-led coalition to impose its priorities. The country would continue to have a depleted and failing public realm and a monstrous pile of debt, neither of which is likely to be fixed by a second attempt at Trussonomics. The choice before us is becoming ever more obvious: between permanent political crisis and what would be, for any other European country, a normal level of tax. The last election was notable for the amount of time the Conservatives spent lying about tax. In September 2023, Rishi Sunak claimed, bizarrely, that he had 'scrapped' a proposed tax on meat. He didn't say which arm of the international vegan conspiracy had plotted to impose a meat tax on Britain's long-suffering beef consumers, but two weeks later his energy secretary, Claire Coutinho, claimed it was a Labour policy. She provided no evidence for this. The following year, as the election approached, the Conservatives paid for hundreds of attack adverts and campaign leaflets that claimed Labour planned to roll out the London Ultra Low Emissions Zone charge for polluting vehicles across the country. This, too, was untrue. In May 2024, Jeremy Hunt published a document – 'Labour's tax rises' – which presented the claim that Labour was planning to hike taxes by more than £2,000 as an official costing, 'conducted by HM Treasury'. The figures were disowned by the civil service. The government statistics regulator rebuked Sunak for his use of the figure, but it continued to be promoted online by the Conservative Party press office, which had mendaciously rebranded on X as 'Tax Check UK'. The Conservatives could make such claims because they knew that Labour, in power, would have to raise Britain's taxes. Hunt and Sunak had already condemned the British public to higher taxes, for years after the election, by freezing the thresholds at which different levels of income tax became payable, causing millions of people to be pulled into higher tax brackets ('fiscal drag'). Labour could have seized the moment of electoral victory to make it clear that the tax system, as currently arranged, was not working. Instead, Reeves and Starmer persisted in the same subterfuge as their predecessors. Having limited their options with a commitment not to increase any of the three main taxes, they talked up the value of relatively minor adjustments – VAT on private schools, changes to the non-dom regime – while getting the real money from stealth taxes such as fiscal drag and higher employers' National Insurance (a tax that is, according to the Office for Budget Responsibility, mostly passed on to employees, and therefore very much a tax on 'working people'). On either side of the centre, populists offer what sound like simple solutions: the left claims that a simple wealth tax, which has failed in every other country in which it's been tried, could raise £20bn a year. On the right, Reform claims tens of billions in tax cuts would be achievable without either the obliteration of public services or a mass sell-off of government bonds. The public is wise to the reality of stealth taxes, which are reviled in focus groups across the country. People feel the tax system is a con. And they're right. Worse still: it is a con that is actively making us poorer. Lying about the tax system is easy because it is a precarious assemblage of misdirection and untruth. We are told that there is a special tax to pay for pensions, but there isn't: the National Insurance Fund is not an insurance scheme or a pension pot. Today's pensions are paid by today's workers. The Office for Budget Responsibility is instructed every year to pretend that fuel duty will rise; it has been frozen at every Budget for 15 years. Council tax rises inexorably but the bins are collected ever less frequently, the potholes bloom, and somehow the council has still run out of money – because 'council tax' is no longer a tax to pay for the council, but a de facto tax to pay for social care. The system cloaks its dysfunction in its bizarre complexity. One economist described Britain to me as having 'the most complex tax system in the world'. Simply reading the yearly handbook to the tax system – which runs to more than 23,000 pages – would be a full-time job that would take three or four months. The VAT code is a catalogue of absurdities. An ice-cream cone, on its own, is classed as a biscuit and is therefore zero-rated for VAT, unless it is covered in chocolate, in which case it stops being a biscuit for tax purposes, or until such time as a scoop of ice cream is placed into it, at which point it becomes a taxable dessert (unless it is a chocolate-lined waffle basket of a size that would make it – to quote the tax code – 'quite difficult, although not impossible, to hold one in the hand and eat it'). His Majesty's Revenue and Customs will seek to collect tax on the sale of a fur coat (but not a fur hat) assuming the fur is from an animal other than a rabbit or a sheep (separate rules also exist for products made from the fur of gazelles, chamois and dogs, depending on whether the beasts' hides have been 'tanned or dressed'). A coat made from a goat is zero-rated, but wait: was the goat Mongolian, Tibetan or Yemeni? If so, the tax must be paid. The funding of our public services genuinely varies with the filling of ice-cream cones and the nationality of goats. This teetering edifice of workarounds and compromises has created a system of distorted priorities. Council tax aggressively redistributes wealth from the poor to the rich. It is a significant cost to people on low incomes – in the past two decades, thousands of prison sentences have been handed out to people who haven't been able to pay it – and a trivial expense to the rich. The property values on which it is based are three decades out of date (they were last updated in 1992), so it is an arbitrary measure. And more than half of it is spent on services – social care – that it does not make sense for councils to provide. National Insurance is also regressive, in that it has an upper earnings limit, so again it is much more expensive to people on lower incomes. Capital gains tax is very high for genuine investors (people who patiently build up value in an investment over time and then crystallise the gains in one year) and very low for those who use it cynically (by taking income as capital gains purely to exploit the lower headline rate). Walk down almost any high street in Britain and ask: why does this place feel poorer and more desolate than streets in ostensibly less prosperous countries? Many of the answers can be found in the tax system. About one shop in every seven will be vacant, and almost one in ten will be a charity shop, thanks largely to business rates, which are charged on valuations that are four years out of date (and which are therefore much higher than they should be) but which are not charged on charity shops or empty premises. In the surviving restaurants, you may find that most of the people coming through the door are delivery riders, who are – despite the brands emblazoned on their bags – technically self-employed (meaning the delivery company doesn't have to pay employers' National Insurance contributions on their work). Meanwhile, large numbers of people don't pay as much as they should, or at all. HMRC estimates the 'tax gap' (the difference between all the tax for which people and businesses were liable, and the amount of tax actually collected) was £46.8bn in 2023-24. Another awkward fact: £2bn of this is estimated to be wealthy individuals, but £28bn of it is from small businesses. The idea of big companies paying more tax does very well in focus groups – one source told me this was the main reason corporation tax was raised in 2021 by Rishi Sunak – but it has a significant impact on economic growth. The best tax to raise, purely in terms of economic impact, is the most direct and unavoidable: income tax. Research by the National Institute of Economic and Social Research shows that income tax is the least distorting measure, with the lowest impact on economic growth. But for all Labour's insistence on growth as their main objective, the main tax hike in the last Budget was a £24bn rise in employers' National Insurance. Workers will pay almost all (£19.5bn) of this, through lower wages, while the wider economy is already impacted by reduced hiring. No doubt it seemed a palatable way to raise money, but we should also ask: how many people were fooled? Given Labour's standing in the polls the answer appears to be: not many. Rumours abound as to how Reeves will find the roughly £6bn the two U-turns have cost, relative to her previous plans. Wealthy investors worry she may implement an 'exit tax' to prevent the highly paid from eloping to Milan or Dubai. But this would be more tinkering, and it would not address the elephant in the room. Britain's public debt is 96.4 per cent of GDP. Our government is spending almost twice as much on debt interest as it spends on schools. The UK has very limited fiscal space and economic growth has slowed to a crawl. This is not a situation that small tweaks to the system are likely to solve. The truth is staring us in the face: the tax system needs to be overhauled. And the overall tax take has to increase. Reeves is well aware of the need for both. First, the simplifying. Start with National Insurance: get rid of it. This 8 per cent tax on work could be replaced by an additional 5 per cent on income tax. This would be a tax cut for workers. Wealthy pensioners and landlords would be furious at having to pay more, but they should pay more. Economic growth does not proceed from making it more lucrative to work less. Politically, this has the benefit of having been a Tory idea (proposed by Jeremy Hunt, although he failed to say how he would pay for it). Rather than raising employers' National Insurance as Reeves has done, many suggest getting rid of that, too, because it is a tax on having employees, and therefore effectively a subsidy for companies that use gig workers and zero-hours contracts. To change course would require another rise in income tax, but the long-term result would be higher wages. Next, taxes on property: get rid of stamp duty, which gives the government an incentive to inflate the housing market and makes it too expensive to move, preventing older people from downsizing and younger people from taking up new jobs in other cities. The same goes for council tax and business rates. All three should be replaced by a land value tax, which would be fairer, less vulnerable to avoidance and less damaging to the economy. As in Germany, this should allow for more taxes to be raised, and spent, at a local level, rather than centralising almost all spending power in the Treasury. Finally, eliminate the loopholes and cliff edges that make the system inefficient, such as the VAT threshold, which causes many small businesses to deliberately remain small in order to avoid becoming taxable. Of course, as Reeves is tired of explaining, it is easy for journalists and think tanks to present such plans; getting it past the party and the public is very different. Achieving even part of such a programme would involve a huge political fight for a government that already seems exhausted by the skirmishes of its first year in power. But it is going to have a huge fight anyway against a party that won't accept cuts, opposition parties that offer easy (and improbable) answers, and the uncaring, invincible bond market. You can try to make compromises that will allow you to muddle through, until you face disaster at the next election. Or you can try to make history. That's the thing about history: it keeps happening, and it makes your choices for you. Starmer's other promise – 'a politics that treads a little lighter on all of our lives' – was even more naive than his assurances on tax. No politician can offer to stem the tide of history. Brenda from Bristol can avoid the news, but it will not stop happening while our species is around. The solution to Britain's political and economic problems is not found in a bit less politics. Nor is that what a restive public wants. Back in the Treasury, the Chancellor is considering the moral principles under which the system by which Britain pays for its state could be remade. Reeves is known to be frustrated by the fact that one pound in every ten of British public spending goes to the holders of UK government bonds – including hedge funds and overseas investors – rather than on public services. She sees a progressive case for reducing the deficit, just as she has seen the need to pour tens of billions into the health service in an attempt to fix the labour market, and to rewrite the fiscal rules to invest hundreds of billions in infrastructure. She is frustrated and embattled, facing a summer of rebellion and calls for her to be replaced before the biggest test of her career in this autumn's Budget. Now is the time to be bold. Reeves and the Treasury are keenly aware that to reform the tax system would require a battle that would make the fights they've had seem trivial. For the moment, they are having a series of ill-defined squabbles instead. But this is the fight they need to have. [See also: Why George Osborne still runs Britain] Related