
Halifax starting plan for Memorial Library site that will honour forgotten burial ground
The municipality recently passed $100,000 in this year's budget to hire a consultant to make a plan for the Memorial Library property. A Halifax spokesperson said that work will include public input and other research.
Municipal staff have said removing the building, which would see the site become a park with "historical interpretation," is the best option for an area with a burial ground that has never been properly acknowledged.
"It is just one of those classic cases, this [burial] site that illustrates how a whole part of our history can just be jettisoned and forgotten," said Jonathan Fowler, anthropology professor at Saint Mary's University.
"There are many parts like that in this city, in this province, in this country. And I welcome the opportunity to engage in the work of remembering."
The Spring Garden Road library opened in 1951 as a living cenotaph in honour of those who died in the First World War and the Second World War.
It became a fixture of public life over the decades, with generations of Haligonians finding favourite books in the shelves, or enjoying fries from Bud the Spud food truck on the grassy area near the street.
The library closed in 2014 when the Central Library opened, and has been vacant ever since.
Although there was no mention of it in newspapers when it opened, or in council minutes about the location, the library was built on top of the Poor House Burying Ground.
It's estimated 4,500 people from the neighbouring Poor House (located where the Doyle building is now) were buried there between the 1760s and mid-1800s.
Poor House residents would have been those on the margins of society at the time, including orphans, people with disabilities, those who were homeless, or unwed mothers.
People from all backgrounds were buried there, including Mi'kmaq, Black Nova Scotians, and victims of epidemics like smallpox. Records also show people new to Halifax, from around the province or the world, were buried at the site.
"All of their lives have simply been forgotten. And it just doesn't seem right, does it?" said Fowler.
Local historian William Breckenridge has formed Friends of the Halifax Memorial Library, and is working with the Halifax Military Heritage Preservation Society to urge the city to repurpose the building.
"It leaves me very concerned, because demolition is not an option that I think will respect the burials that are underneath, and also all the other history that goes along with it," Breckenridge said.
Breckenridge and Emma Lang, executive director of the Heritage Trust of Nova Scotia, said the library is architecturally important and should be turned into a museum or community space to tell the entire story of the site.
"The fact that they chose to build a memorial to people who died in the wars on a cemetery, without acknowledging the people who are under here, is a really important story in itself," Lang said.
"To tear it down seems to be … making it worse when you have the ability to at least talk about why this building was there, and what does that say about Halifax at the time — good and bad."
After the Poor House on Spring Garden closed in the 1860s, the burial site was grassed over and trees were planted for it to become Grafton Park. The green space housed a fire station before the library was built.
Although there are no reports that human remains were found during the library's construction, Fowler said it's "highly unlikely, bordering on impossible" that graves weren't disturbed.
An archeological report on the 2016-17 relocation of graves from the adjacent St. David's Presbyterian Church land shows the remains of 244 people were recovered and moved to the church crypt. Three mass graves were found, including one of "likely former residents of the Poor House Cemetery on the neighbouring property."
A Halifax staff report from July 2024 said Mi'kmaw ancestral remains were discovered during that excavation work ahead of the creation of the Grafton Park apartment building.
Given the cultural sensitivity of the Poor House burial site, and strict protocol around land with Mi'kmaw remains, the report recommends against ground-disturbing activities on the property.
Municipal staff said it would take $15 million to $20 million to renovate the library with new water and sewer lines, replace the roof, elevator, and rebuild the interior. These updates, especially new pipes, would require digging.
Pam Glode-Desrochers, executive director of the Mi'kmaw Native Friendship Society, said it will be up to elders and other experts to weigh in on what the protocols should be around any changes to the site.
While digging should not be a "first resort," Glode-Desrochers said it should be up to the wider Mi'kmaw community, and people of all backgrounds in Halifax, to decide together the best option.
"It's almost a little emotional because these are our ancestors. These were somebody's auntie and uncles and mothers and brothers, and like they belonged to community," said Glode-Desrochers.
"But it's also exciting on the possibilities of what can be done, and how do we do that together."
Although the burial ground is a piece of lost local history for many Halifax residents today, Glode-Desrochers said it's "always been known" by many in the Mi'kmaw community.
"There'll be some tough conversations, but I also think it's part of the healing journey and what that looks like," said Glode-Desrochers.
If the city wanted to explore repurposing the building, legal changes would need to be made because of a covenant on the land.
The staff report said the province granted the land to Halifax in 1882 "for the use and enjoyment of the citizens of Halifax, as a public square or gardens forever and for no other purposes whatsoever." In 1949, the province amended the covenant to allow a public library only.
Various groups have considered taking the building over the years, staff said, but determined it would be "uneconomical and thus inviable." Halifax eventually asked the province to take the site back, but it officially declined to do so in 2023.
The consultant's final report is expected to go before regional council summer 2026.
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Vancouver Sun
25-06-2025
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In the photograph, the young soldier looks past the camera lens. Blood stains his face from shrapnel wounds. Grenades hang from his belt, his rifle is beside him. He is leaning against sandbags, but appears somehow coiled for action, resting but not at ease, his expression enigmatic, as if he had just witnessed something barely believable for the first time. His company had just made a fighting retreat, under mortar attack from Chinese forces, from a patrol near Hill 166 west of the Jamestown Line in Korea, near the present day border between North and South. Two Canadians were killed, and two dozen injured. Start your day with a roundup of B.C.-focused news and opinion. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. A welcome email is on its way. If you don't see it, please check your junk folder. The next issue of Sunrise will soon be in your inbox. Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. It was the early morning of June 23, 1952, and as he waited for medical aid at this field clinic, Pte. Heath Bowness Matthews originally of Alberton, P.E.I., a signaller with Charles Company, 1st Battalion, The Royal Canadian Regiment, was becoming an iconic figure in Canadian history. The photographer looking at him, Sgt. Paul Tomelin of Alberta, had arrived in Korea with the 25 Canadian Public Relations Unit as an experienced chronicler of war, with battleground experience in the Second World War in Europe, where he was also a stretcher bearer. Tomelin had been assigned to this patrol, but could not use a flash at night, so he photographed tracer fire during the fight, then waited near the aid post for casualties. He noticed Matthews and raised his camera, starting to focus on the seam of his shirt, to ensure he was also focused on those eyes. He would later recall Matthews showed an expression of disgust, as if about to turn away from the intrusion. 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Today, 75 years after the Korean War began on June 25, 1950, with invasion of the South by the North, then quickly spiralled into a stalemated proxy war by United Nations allies against communist expansion, the photograph stands as a photojournalistic masterpiece, on a level with the raising of the American flag at Iwo Jima in 1945 or the sailor kissing the nurse in Times Square on Victory over Japan Day. Like those famous photos, it is not without a little controversy of its own over the circumstances of its taking, and over the degree to which a photographer observes or creates his scenes (Tomelin asked Matthews to stay put, so it is in that sense a posed portrait), even about who the subject is (that last controversy is now settled; it is Matthews). 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The Chinese were seasoned fighters, skilled in ambush tactics, and many patrols ended in disaster and fighting withdrawals for the United Nations side, as in the case of Matthews' patrol, in which Cpl. P.J. Nolan and Pte. W.F. Luxton were killed in action, according to the unit's contemporaneous war diary, provided by Burtch. The Canadians who fought were a new generation of soldiers, many of them too young to have fought in the Second World War, including Matthews who enlisted for Korea at age 18, but old enough to be inspired by the cultural appreciation of those who did. It was also a new era of wartime news photography, said Jonathan F. Vance, who teaches Canadian military history, its commemoration and social memory at Western University. People had become used to seeing powerful images on newspaper front pages, and many of the military controls put in place about what could be shown were developed in the Second World War, mindful of photography's power to shape public opinion. It is a military tradition full of problems. For example, Raising the Flag on Iwo Jima and The Falling Soldier from the Spanish Civil War have long been suspected of being staged. Raising a Flag Over the Reichstag, depicting Russian soldiers in Berlin in 1945, was similarly exploited for Soviet propaganda, with its journalistic details obscured, such as the identity of the soldiers. A Canadian Battalion Go Over the Top, depicting soldiers climbing from a trench in 1916, was widely published as a real battle but was in fact an earlier training exercise. At least Wait for Me, Daddy, the famous 1940 image of soldiers deploying from British Columbia with a little boy running after his father, is more or less what it appears to be. For the rest, reliability sometimes stands in inverse proportion to fame. 'A lot of most famous war photos are not what we once thought they were,' said Vance. 'I think they were done for propaganda purposes in mind, so if they weren't perfect in the first instance, they had to be made perfect.' But the Matthews portrait was different. 'It was simply a record of an individual at a time,' Vance said. 'It's not propaganda because I'm not sure what it would be propaganda in favour of.' Curiously, the effect is almost to render him anonymous, and the scene timeless and placeless. The subject has no identifying kit, no badges or shoulder stripes. It would take an especially keen eye to read any information in his grenades or rifle. He could be anyone. Vance said that is its strength. It also admits of different readings. The most common is something like the shell shock of the Great War or the 'thousand yard stare' of Vietnam, the physical manifestation of psychological trauma in dark, heavy, almost unseeing eyes. 'But also, if you come at it differently, you see a guy exhausted after a job well done,' Vance said. 'You don't know if the battle went well or poorly, what side won, what was behind the fight. It's a personal visceral glimpse at war but it's essentially value neutral.' 'You can read anything into it that you want, which is its power. There's no fixed meaning,' Vance said. 'It's got that Mona Lisa quality where you don't quite know what he is thinking,' said Burtch. When it was published in newspapers across North America, the photo quickly became famous as 'The Face of War.' A Montreal Star story on July 4, 1952, for example, ran the caption: 'Blood, grime and bone-deep weariness etch the face of Pte. Heath Matthews, 19, of 2315 Hingston Avenue, in this picture taken after he completed a combat patrol in Korea with the 1st Battalion Royal Canadian Regiment. Pte. Matthews, son of Mrs. Maude Matthews, was reported wounded June 24. His injuries were not believed serious.' Many years later, in 1994, a Korean War exhibit at the Canadian War Museum would bring to light the minor controversy over the soldier's identity. Pte. Herbert Norris of Kingston, Ont., was also a signaller in Charles Company in Korea, and had been giving talks about the war and identifying himself as subject of The Face of War. This came to wide attention through media coverage of the exhibit, including the museum's presentation of a framed print to Norris at a gala. Faced with a growing scandal, the museum looked more closely into it, and based on evidence from archives, police facial recognition experts, and the confirmation of both Tomelin and the person who processed the film, concluded they had made a mistake. The Face of War was Matthews. It left Norris feeling disrespected, he would later tell the Kingston Whig-Standard. He was not the only Korea veteran to feel this way. Even during the war, when U.S. President Harry Truman called it a 'police action,' rather than a war that had not been formally declared, many veterans of Korea felt their contributions were inadequately respected. 'That really stuck in the craw of a lot of veterans to hear it characterized that way,' Burtch said. Korea was an unpopular war, and Sayle said it was a main reason the Democrats lost the 1952 U.S. election. It was especially worrying to Canada, though in a slightly different way, Sayle said. The Korean War was 'exceptionally significant' in international relations, Sayle said. It transformed European security. It led to the deployment of Canadian and American forces in Europe with NATO, anticipating conflict with the Soviet Union. 'The actual continental commitment begins because of the attack in Korea,' Sayle said. So Canadians were alarmed to see American forces bombing defenceless villages in Korea, and came to wonder whether they would also fight that way if hot war came again to Europe. The concern reached the cabinet level, and Sayle shared a declassified message from Canada's minister of national defence to his American counterparts, warning of the 'magnificent ammunition' for enemy propaganda and the risk to military morale posed by using heavy artillery and large bombers against villages; by naming missions things like 'Operation Killer;' and by using racist slurs for South Koreans, the same ones that would later be notorious among American soldiers in Vietnam. There is a valid argument to be made that Canada was fighting to protect South Korea, Sayle said, but the way the conflict played out 'robs the war of any satisfying heroic narrative, especially because it ends in armistice rather than true peace. There's no closure for the public. There's no celebration, no Victory in Korea day,' Sayle said. Over the following years, as Korea slipped from immediate memory into modern history, there was another shooting war in Southeast Asia that coloured its remembrance. Korea was in that sense 'in the shadow of Vietnam,' Sayle said. In the 1980s and 1990s, when there was an 'explosion of memory' of the Second World War, as Sayle puts it, this sharpened the contrast with Korea, leaving its veterans sometimes overlooked, out of the Remembrance Day spotlight. 'Just because of the historical nature and context I think we can understand why it was forgotten, but that doesn't excuse the forgetting of these veterans and their experiences,' Sayle said. As this photo illustrates and reminds, any individual soldier's experience of war is 'indivisible,' Sayle said. Seventy-five years since the forgotten war began, this photo is still able to convey that experience, and to imprint it in the Canadian memory. 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