A month into India-Pakistan ceasefire, Uri on LoC declares: ‘Bunkers a necessity now'
Broken walls, shattered windowpanes, damaged rooftops, tattered floor covers, broken utensils, ripped blankets, torn books, hollowed out wardrobes and suitcases—these sum up the scene in shelling-hit Gingal village of Uri in north Kashmir, some 16 km from the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan.Sitting amidst the ruins of her two-storied home, destroyed in the long-range artillery fire by Pakistan on the night of May 9, 39-year-old Misra Begum is still unable to reconcile with the loss. 'We're homeless now; our valuables of an entire lifetime are gone. My husband is a labourer; how will we build a new one (home)?' says Begum, recounting to INDIA TODAY the family's relentless struggles over the years to put together their home.advertisementFor over a month now, Begum, her husband and children—13-year-old son and seven-year-old daughter—have been staying at a relative's home nearby. Their devastated home symbolises the carnage caused by long-range shelling in the village of around 750 households between May 8 and 10, when Pakistan responded to India's Operation Sindoor.In the vicinity, retired armyman Mohammad Naseer's home has been left with broken windows and holes in the roof. Some 300 metres away, a tw0-storied house has had its left wing, comprising four of the total eight rooms, damaged completely.
'The shelling shook our bodies; it felt like our ears were being torn apart. Had we not gathered in the kitchen, which is on the other side of the house, we would've been dead,' says 38-year-old Zahida Banoo, holding her two children. Her husband works in the Jammu and Kashmir police.advertisementBanoo, like thousands of others in Uri, had fled her home to safer places when intense shelling by Pakistan wreaked havoc on the villages of Gangil, Lagama, Gharkote, Salamabad, Paranpilla, Bandi, Lagama and Dachi, among others. She returned after spending a week at her sister's home in Baramulla and another at a rented house in Sopore.Gangil, which hosts the head office of National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), overlooking the 480 MW Uri-I power project on the Jhelum river flowing beneath into Pakistan, was perhaps the worst hit. Some 30-40 artillery shells, as per locals, landed in the village. Four homes were completely damaged and another 87 partially. The highly-guarded NHPC office, spanning over six acres, was also hit by shells—the damages caused to its residential buildings.'Windowpanes broke. There was fear all over; we hid inside bunkers,' informs E. Srinivas, deputy general manager at the NHPC office.Hydropower installations near the LoC were put on high alert during the India-Pakistan offensive, owing to a potential threat from Islamabad in the backdrop of New Delhi suspending the Indus Waters Treaty after the terror attack in Pahalgam on April 22.Srinivas, though, says Uri-I, the 240 MW Uri-II and 330 MW Kishanganga projects were fully secured and power generation was unhindered.advertisementMehnaz Naseer, a 33-year-old woman, shudders at the mention of 'war'. The four-day horror, May 7 to May 10, has left her with nightmares. She blames the media for the war hysteria at the cost of people's lives. 'Take us out of Uri and engage in the war, as much as you can. It looks easy from inside newsrooms; if you've the guts, exchange places with us,' she says, fighting tears.It's been a month since the post-Operation Sindoor ceasefire with Pakistan, yet the residents of Uri grapple with fear and uncertainty. In recent years, the border villages here have had travellers trooping in, thanks to the tourism push by the government. Now, it has all come to a standstill.'The bullet has no eye to distinguish or differentiate. The deadly shells have damaged our buildings and left us all with lifelong trauma. We have lost sleep,' says Hafiz Zahid Hussain, a Bihar-origin moulvi at Gingal's mosque for the past 32 years.Residents recall past wars between India and Pakistan, but say the use of long-range artillery this time and the damage it caused is unprecedented. According to an official assessment by the district administration of Baramulla, Uri tehsil suffered damage to 513 buildings—60 homes and five cowsheds were razed to the ground while 436 homes and 12 cowsheds were partially damaged.advertisementIn Karnah, in north Kashmir's Kupwara, over 100 buildings were damaged. Overall, in Jammu and Kashmir, Poonch in Jammu suffered the most, with thousands of structures reported to have been damaged. Of the 21 lives lost, 16 were in Poonch alone.The conflict has also triggered a bunker crisis in the border areas. Except for a few places like Salamabad and Gharkote, the villages in Uri are largely without bunkers, making them vulnerable to shelling.Wilayat Ali, a resident of Paranpilla village, plans to construct a bunker in his farmland by taking advantage of its terraced design. 'We'll dig through the height of this land from tomorrow and concretise the hole, followed by cementing,' says Ali, sitting in his farmland by a flowing stream.The serenity of the surroundings belies the complexity of the situation. 'Bunkers are a necessity now,' decides Ali.Subscribe to India Today Magazine
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India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
From the India Today archives (1989)
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated June 30, 1989)For more than a decade his dark brooding eyes, bushy eyebrows severely knit together, flowing white beard and black turban, had become a symbol of the Islamic revolution he had triggered in his country and tried unsuccessfully to export. In his messianic zeal to spread his faith, he held a superpower to ransom through terror tactics, relentlessly fought a war till he was forced to sip the "poisoned chalice" of peace, and then convulsed the world by decreeing the death of an his detractors had hoped that death would see him buried with the past, they seemed likely to be proved wrong. For in death, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, 86, Iran's spiritual leader, became larger than life. He is, in fact, assuming a prophet-like status among the 53 million people of his was this more evident than at the Bahesht-e-Zahra (martyrs' cemetery) on the outskirts of Teheran where Khomeini was buried. Even ten days after his death, thousands of mourners dressed in black kept pouring in to pay their respects to their departed leader. Among them was Ghulam Razak, a baker, his wife, Fatima, and their six children. They had walked 20 km to reach the burial ground. "I feel like my father has died," said Razak, tears rolling down his Around them people wailed loudly and beat their heads and chests with their hands in a punishing gesture of grief. Fearing that the crowds would scoop handfuls of soil from Khomeini's grave and expose his body, officials had hastily cordoned off the area with four huge shipping containers. Armed guards kept vigil and a helicopter painted green, white and red-the colours of Iran's national flag-hovered decision of Ahmad Khomeini, 44, to bury his father in the martyrs' cemetery instead of the holy city of Qom, 1,340 km away from Teheran, was in a way appropriate. For barely a kilometre from where the Ayatollah lay buried, begin the long rows of graves of the thousands of soldiers who responded to his call and died fighting in the eight-year-long war with neighbouring was a war that killed a million people, many of them in their teens, shattered Iran's booming economy, impoverished the country and left behind a nation full of widows and orphans. Yet, if the frenzied mourning for Khomeini which engulfed Iran last fortnight was any indication, popular support for him remained is difficult to understand the blind, unquestioning adulation for Khomeini even among families which had lost their loved ones in the war. In central Teheran, Sugra Kausami, 50, a housewife, stood patiently for three hours in a long queue, waiting for a bus to take her to Khomeini's grave. Her eldest son was killed three years ago while fighting in the war. Yet. Sugra says: "I am glad my son attained martyrdom. And even if my other son dies fighting, I would not feel sad." About Khomeini, she says: "He taught us the pure way of life and threw out the Shah. I wish I had died instead of him."advertisementThe deification of Khomeini was clearly visible at the funeral procession in Teheran. At least a million people had clogged the streets in a hysterical outpouring of grief. At one point, crowds grabbed and ripped off pieces from the white shroud covering his body - which is considered to be divinely blessed - and exposed his legs. In desperation, officials lowered a helicopter, lifted the body, and moved it to the burial site. There too, the crowds proved unmanageable - a sea of humanity surged towards the helicopter which had to abort landing twice. Eventually, the Ayatollah's body- now placed in an aluminium coffin for protection - was rushed to the grave and lowered Khomeini's death, not many are willing to predict what is likely to happen to Iran without his charismatic presence and force of personality. Indian External Affairs Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, who attended the funeral, told X`X`X`: "The death of such a towering personality has created a huge void and will have a profound impact on the future of Iran." Harvey Morris. Middle-East editor of The Independent, a British daily, added: "I don't think the spontaneity of the people's grief is a vote of confidence for the regime. I think people make a discrimination between Khomeini the man and the regime he created."If Khomeini's spiritual purity is unquestioned by his people, his administrative legacy is highly suspect. Saddled with a prolonged war, the country's economy is in dire straits. Internal resources are stretched to a breaking point, with oil, Iran's main source of income, meeting barely 70 per cent of its national budget. Although, unlike Iraq, Iran has not piled up a huge foreign debt, it has had to cut back heavily on essential programmes. Most industries are running at half their capacity and are in desperate need of upgradation of technology. Moreover, Khomeini's policies have isolated the country from the West. Today, the future of Iran is frighteningly mood of uncertainty is reflected in Teheran's sprawling bazaar, the nerve centre of its market economy. Inside the bazaar's cavernous portals, millions of rials worth of business is transacted daily in products as diverse as dry fruits, cars, caviar, garments, electronic goods and handicrafts. With Khomeini's death, business here has come to a grinding halt. This is partly because the bazaar has been closed for the period of mourning, but mainly because traders are unsure of their country's future in the coming months. As one merchant, who did not want to be named, said: "I just don't want to place any large orders because I'm not sure if another revolution will break out."His fears are not unfounded: the Iranian citizen has much to revolt against. Inflation is anything between 50 per cent and 70 per cent. Nothing is more indicative of this than the dollar-rial rate in the bazaar-e-azadi, the Iranian black-market. While the official exchange rate is 80 rials to the dollar, in the free market the price has shot up to an incredible 1,400 rials to the dollar - making a mockery of the Iranian currency. And despite the infamous 'death to the US' slogan still plastered on many Teheran streets, the US dollar is the most coveted currency in post-Khomeini order to ease the pressure of high prices, the Government had introduced the coupon system - similar to Indian ration cards - which assures people of essential items at controlled prices. The coupon system now encompasses foods like meat, chicken, rice, milk and eggs. While queues in the coupon shops are getting longer by the day, the prices of these items in the open market have skyrocketed. One example: milk at coupon shops is 18 rials (Rs4) a litre, whereas in the free market, it costs 220 rials (Rs 49).Besides subsidising essential foodstuffs, the Government also has to bear the fiscal burden of running special schemes for the buniyad shahids or families of the martyrs (those killed in the war with Iraq). The state provides the needy families of slain soldiers with houses, a salary, good schools for their children and exempts them from paying life for the average Iranian remains hard. So steeply has inflation risen that Ali Akbar, 30, a steel worker, says: "I can't afford to get married." A house with one bedroom in Teheran now costs 60,000 rials (Rs 13,320). This equals the annual salary of 60,000 rials to 80.000 rials that an average worker is paid. As Khomeini's promise of uplifting the poor - made in 1979 after he overthrew the Shah - remains far from fulfilled, many Iranians are gradually getting disillusioned with the ruling clerics. Said Hazrat Kausami, a taxi-driver: "You can't feed my children's bellies with religion."Even Khomeini had once told his followers: "If poverty comes through one door, then religion goes out through the other." Yet, the simmering discontent has not resulted in another explosive revolution. There are several reasons for this. While the poor have been hit by inflation, it is the middle and upper classes - who were used to a more opulent life-style during the Shah's days - who suffered the most under Khomeini's reign. But they barely account for 30 per cent of the population. Though nothing has been done to improve the lot of the poor, Khomeini's promise of paradise after death had a potent appeal for this class, which blindly stood by him. The other major reason was the war, which-despite its debilitating impact on the economy-had united the country and diverted people's attention from domestic however, with Khomeini's charismatic presence missing, and with the war over, the new leadership emerging in Teheran faces an uphill and challenging task. Aside from the grave economic crisis that has to be tackled. Iran's leaders have serious differences of opinion about how the country should be run. When Khomeini was alive, he deftly balanced the divisive opinions. Since his writ was law, the leaders by and large toed his line. One of the few persons to take an independent stance was Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazeri, Khomeini's designated successor until three months made no attempt to hide his unhappiness over the manner in which the revolution was progressing. He openly admitted that the regime had made mistakes and even questioned the cost of the long-drawn war. During the 1Oth anniversary celebrations of the revolution he stated: "We have to calculate our invaluable losses of manpower, of towns and cities destroyed, and see if we have erred." His outspokenness had enraged Khomeini who showed Montazeri the door in April this Montazeri's exit, a bitter battle for succession was expected to break out immediately after Khomeini's death. But such conventional wisdom proved wrong. In fact, the shrewd Khomeini seemed to have anticipated that such a problem might arise. In April, he had called for some major amendments to the Constitution. The two most important were that firstly, his successor need not be a grand ayatollah but need only to be a man of learning plus a good and just administrator. The second was the presidency-till then largely a ceremonial post-was to be made into an executive position similar to the US before the 25-member special council appointed for the task could work out the amendments, Khomeini died. Still, he had given sufficient indication that he wanted President Ali Khan Khamenei to succeed him. Soon after his death, the 83-member council of experts, dominated by ayatollahs, met and ratified Khamenei's elevation as the supreme Khamenei's appointment, the man who is emerging as a major power centre in Iran is Hojatoleslam (a title lower than ayatollah) Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, the wily speaker of the Majlis or Iran's Parliament. Son of a farmer and a former student of Khomeini, Rafsanjani, 55, is considered to be the most pragmatic on economic reforms. He favours involving the private sector in the economy and is not averse to receiving foreign technical assistance. Announcing that he will be running for the next presidential elections to be held in August, Rafsanjani said: "The next decade is for reconstruction."While Rafsanjani's play for the presidency might well be successful, to get Iran out of the mess it is in he will have to move carefully. There is stiff opposition to some of his economic reforms, with several powerful ayatollahs favouring a greater role for the public sector and no business dealings with the that the West is dealing with Iran at the moment. Khomeini's fatwa (edict) against The Satanic Verses' author Salman Rushdie had led to a boycott by many western nations that further isolated Iran. Even if the Iranian leadership did want to mend fences, it will not be an easy task. Though he is considered one of the more realistic and pragmatic leaders, even Rafsanjani has to tread carefully in matters of foreign policy. He recently evaded questions about the fatwa against Rushdie by saying: "That is the Imam's verdict."Rafsanjani would also have to be careful not to deviate from Khomeini's puritanical ideals. With so much reverence being showered on the departed Ayatollah, it would be foolhardy for the new leadership in Teheran to undo the Islamic legacy he has left behind. Even from his grave, Khomeini will continue to dominate Iranian thinking for many to India Today Magazine- EndsTune In
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Business Standard
an hour ago
- Business Standard
Pakistan rebuilds terror camps in PoK after Operation Sindoor: Report
Pakistan has initiated a fresh effort to reconstruct terror launchpads and training camps that were decimated during India's Operation Sindoor, NDTV reported. This rebuilding process is receiving full support from Pakistan's military, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), and government authorities, the news report said. The renewed activity is concentrated in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and nearby areas, particularly along the Line of Control (LoC). Intelligence inputs suggest the creation of smaller, high-tech terror facilities concealed within dense forest regions to escape Indian surveillance. These new camps aim to replace the infrastructure lost during India's precision strikes in May, which targeted bases of terror outfits including Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), Hizbul Mujahideen and The Resistance Front (TRF), NDTV reported. ISI-led reorganisation of terror infrastructure The camps being reconstructed include those previously located in areas such as Luni, Putwal, Tipu Post, Jamil Post, Umranwali, Chaprar Forward, Chhota Chak and Janglora. Intelligence officials noted that the ISI is now pursuing a strategy to decentralise its terror training network. Instead of large, easily detectable facilities, the new plan involves multiple smaller camps, each hosting fewer than 200 operatives, reducing the chances of significant losses in the event of future airstrikes, the news report said. A critical meeting was recently held in Bahawalpur, southern Punjab — a known hub of Jaish-e-Mohammed. The meeting, intercepted by Indian agencies, involved top commanders of JeM, LeT, Hizbul Mujahideen and TRF, along with ISI operatives. Bahawalpur was a key target in Operation Sindoor — which was undertaken in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack — due to its strategic significance to terror groups, NDTV said. The agenda of the meeting included reorganising operational command, redistributing weapons and resources, and restarting recruitment efforts both within Pakistan and in Jammu and Kashmir. Pahalgam attack On 22 April, terrorists attacked a popular tourist location at Baisaran meadow in Pahalgam, Kashmir, killing 26 people and injuring over a dozen others. The Resistance Front (TRF) initially claimed responsibility, attributing the act to resistance against non-local settlements, but later withdrew the statement. India responded with a range of diplomatic and strategic measures. The Centre suspended the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, curtailing the river water flow to Pakistan. It also halted visa services for Pakistani nationals, revoked existing visas (barring diplomatic categories), and expelled Pakistani diplomats. The Attari land border post was shut down, and both diplomatic missions were scaled back. Additionally, India blocked access to Pakistan's official X handle and restricted digital content by banning 16 Pakistani YouTube channels, including media outlets Dawn News and Geo News. Operation Sindoor Operation Sindoor, carried out in the early hours of 7 May, saw the Indian armed forces executing precision strikes on nine terror camps deep within Pakistani territory. The targets primarily belonged to Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). After India's strikes, Pakistan responded with artillery shelling along the Line of Control and launched attempted drone attacks. In retaliation, India intensified its countermeasures, targeting critical Pakistani military and air installations, including the Nur Khan Air Base in Rawalpindi and the Rahim Yar Khan airbase.
India.com
3 hours ago
- India.com
US has more than 750 military bases in 80 countries, but not a single in India due to....
US has more than 750 military bases in 80 countries, but not a single in India due to.... The US has more than 750 military bases in 80 countries around the world not have a single military base in India. Despite having more than 100 bases in Germany, 120 in Japan and 73 in South Korea, the Pentagon has not built a single base in India. Do you know why? What is the reason behind this decision? From Nehru to Modi, all Indian governments have said the same thing: there will be no foreign troops on Indian soil. No matter what agreements or pressures are put in place. According to a report by India Today, India's policy is built with memories of the colonial era and the future in mind. India understands that US military bases are often used not for defense, but for political gain. Why doesn't US have a military base in India? There are many reasons why US does not have a military base in India. The first reason is India's history. India was once a slave of the British. That is why India does not want any other country to rule over it. The second reason is India's strategy. India can protect itself. It has one of the largest armies in the world. It also has nuclear weapons. India does not want to be at enmity with US' enemies India has seen US intervention. In 1953, the CIA engineered a coup in Iran. There were regime changes in Guatemala, Chile and Iraq too. India knows that military bases are often used for political maneuvers. They are not just for defence. Recently, Iran launched a missile attack on Qatar's Al Udeid base. Qatar had nothing to do with the US-Iran conflict. But it was attacked because there was an American base there. India does not want to be pitted against America's enemies. India can protect itself. It has a large army, nuclear weapons, navy and the power to wage cyber war. Therefore, India does not need the protection of any other country. India maintains relations with other countries according to its own will. It does not come under anyone's pressure. India has some military bases in Tajikistan, Mauritius and Bhutan. But these bases are there with the consent of those countries. India does not rule over them. India wants to work together with other countries. It does not want to make anyone its slave. India conducts military exercises with America. US cannot keep its troops in India India has also signed agreements like LEMOA with the US. But it is clear in these agreements that the US cannot keep its troops in India. Indian officials always say that logistical access does not mean base access. That is, India can let the US use its military bases, but the US cannot build its bases there. This policy of India keeps it diplomatically independent. It can maintain relations with Russia, the US, China and other countries simultaneously. It does not need to support any one country.
