Author uses literature to document Kurdish tragedies
US reiterates support for SDF integration
Ukraine: Three years of Devastating war
Berlin's international broadcaster to launch Kurdish-language programming: German politician
US delists Syria's HTS as 'terrorist' group, maintains Nusra Front alias label
A+ A-
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A young Kurd who migrated to the United States to escape Saddam Hussein's genocidal campaign is using the written word to document Kurdish tragedies and his personal struggles.
Newzad Brifki left his home in Duhok province with his family in 1988 during the previous Iraqi regime's genocidal Anfal campaign against the Kurds. In 2017, he wrote his first book about Kurds and their quest for freedom.
'It was very important for me as a Kurd to tell this story, because Kurds, who number 40 to 50 million people, there are still people who do not know us. So it was important for me as a Kurdish-American writer to publish this so those who do not know the Kurds can know them,' Brifki told Rudaw's Diaspora program that aired on Friday.
In the late 1980s, the regime of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein launched its Anfal campaign. The brutal eight-phase military operation claimed the lives of more than 182,000 Kurds. The 1988 chemical attack on Halabja alone killed more than 5,000, mostly women and children, and injured thousands more.
In 2021, Brifki wrote another book, titled 'War Can't Stop Love: The Story of Two Lovers Through Conflict,' about a young Kurdish man from Duhok province who abandoned his education and took up arms to become a freedom fighter for a girl he loves, before migrating to Turkey and then the US. He later returned to Iraq to assist American forces during the 2003 US invasion.
'Now it is only available in English, but God willing, in the future my intention is to translate it into Kurdish and other languages,' he said.
Brifki is in the process of writing a third book, set to be published by next year.
Diyar Kurda contributed to this report.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Rudaw Net
an hour ago
- Rudaw Net
US repatriates child from Rojava ISIS detention camp
Also in Syria UN Envoy urges reforms in Syria's political transition, compromise in SDF-Damascus talks Two Kurdish forces, one civilian injured in motorcycle attack in Rojava Most abducted Yazidis held in Syria amid Damascus inaction: Rescue office Bedouin families forced to leave Suwayda despite years of peaceful coexistence A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - An American child who spent their entire life inside a displacement camp for individuals linked to the Islamic State (ISIS) in northeast Syria (Rojava) was brought home last week, the State Department announced Tuesday, urging other countries to follow suit for their nationals. 'Last week the United States repatriated a U.S. citizen minor from a displaced persons camp in northeast Syria for unification with the child's family,' the State Department said in a statement.'Our interagency efforts have given this child, who has known nothing of life outside of the camps, a future free from the influence and dangers of ISIS terrorism.' Thousands of individuals with suspected ISIS ties are held in al-Hol and Roj camps, both located in Rojava's Hasaka province and controlled by the Kurdish-led and US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Al-Hol is the larger of the two, housing 34,927 people as of April. Of these, 15,681 were Iraqis, 15,861 Syrians, and 6,385 foreigners, according to data obtained by Rudaw English. The SDF serves as the de facto military of Rojava and is the main local partner of the US-led international anti-ISIS coalition. Around 30,000 people from over 70 countries remain in the two camps, most of them children under the age of 12, the State Department said, stressing that 'they deserve a chance at life outside the camps.' Al-Hol has become notorious for its poor conditions and has been described as a breeding ground for terrorism. Since ISIS's territorial defeat in 2019, tens of thousands of people linked to the group - mostly Iraqis and Syrians - have been held there, alongside others from across the world who traveled to join the jihadists' so-called caliphate. Iraq has been repatriating its citizens from the camps in groups and providing rehabilitation. Many other countries, however, remain reluctant to take back their nationals over fears of extremist ideology spreading at home. 'The only durable solution to the humanitarian and security crisis in these displaced persons camps in northeast Syria is for countries of origin to repatriate, rehabilitate, reintegrate, and where appropriate, ensure accountability for their nationals,' the State Department said. The same applies to former ISIS fighters held in detention centers in Rojava, Washington added, urging countries 'not to look to others to solve the problem for them,' and to share responsibility for repatriation efforts. Iraq plans to host a conference in Geneva in September to encourage more countries to repatriate their citizens from the camps, the country's national security advisor announced last month. Rojava and US officials have repeatedly called on foreign governments to take responsibility for their nationals still stranded in the camps.
Shafaq News
an hour ago
- Shafaq News
Iraqi Parliament's Quota move silences Feyli Kurdish aspirations
Shafaq News The decision to reclassify the Kurdish Feyli quota seat in Iraq's parliament as a nationwide allocation—rather than limiting it to Wasit province—has ignited political and community backlash. What was once a symbolic recognition of the Feyli Kurds' historic presence in Wasit is now seen by many as a vulnerable tool of political bargaining, prompting renewed calls to restore the seat's provincial scope and expand representation for a community long subjected to marginalization and forced displacement. Enduring Legacy of Displacement and Exclusion The Kurdish Feylis suffered systematic persecution under the Ba'athist regime, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. They were targeted for their ethno-sectarian identity—being both Kurdish and Shiite—and labeled as 'foreigners' despite generations of residence in Iraq. Between 1970 and 1980, up to half a million Feylis were expelled to Iran. Many lost their citizenship, property, and civil rights. Over 15,000 young Feyli men disappeared during the purges, with their remains never recovered. Baghdad's elite Feyli business and academic circles were especially targeted. Despite the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003, many returnees still face bureaucratic barriers in reclaiming their original citizenship or accessing legal rights. Historical and Political Context The Kurdish Feyli quota seat was originally established as a recognition of the community's longstanding presence in Wasit, particularly in cities like Kut, Al-Aziziyah, Al-Hai, Badrah, Zurbatiyah, and Jassan. Political activist Haidar Hisham al-Feyli explained that the seat was secured after a sustained campaign by Feyli activists and was initially meant to include three seats before being reduced to one for political reasons. 'This seat was meant to reflect the aspirations of the Feyli Kurds,' Hisham told Shafaq News. 'But now, instead of protecting their representation, it is being contested by figures outside the community due to weak safeguards and ineffective electoral oversight.' He stressed that the seat lacks clear legal protections and has been subjected to external interference, allowing candidates who are not Feyli Kurds to contest under the quota. This, he said, has diluted the seat's original purpose and fragmented the community's electoral voice. Kurdish Feyli MP Hussein Mardan stated that the Federal Court ruled that the Kurdish Feyli quota seat in the Iraqi parliament—out of a total of 329 seats—will be a national seat for all of Iraq does not benefit the Feyli component. 'If we assume that it must be a national seat, then at the very least the Feylis should be granted five seats, similar to the Christian component. A single national seat does not serve the Kurdish Feylis, especially considering that Feyli Kurdish candidates are not present across all Iraqi provinces,' He told Shafaq News. Legal and Institutional Gaps Critics highlight the failure of Iraq's electoral commission to enforce identity-specific quotas, allowing political maneuvering that jeopardizes minority rights. Rashid al-Budairi, a senior member of the 'Services (Khadamat)' political alliance, argued that this shift contradicts the historical justice intended for the Kurdish Feylis. 'They faced genocide, forced displacement, and systemic exclusion under the former regime.' 'Wasit should retain the seat as a matter of acquired and constitutional right. The recent move turns the quota into a bargaining chip, risking its appropriation by a single political faction.' Beyond the Quota While defending the quota's existence, some lawmakers also highlight the growing political engagement of Feyli Kurds outside the quota system. MP Bassem Nughaymish of Wasit noted that the community is not solely reliant on the reserved seat to enter the political arena. 'Feyli Kurds are full citizens of Wasit, not a minority in the traditional sense,' Nughaymish said. 'They have successfully contested general parliamentary elections and hold key posts in the provincial government.' According to Nughaymish, several key administrative roles in the province—such as municipal leadership in Kut and other directorates—are held by Feyli Kurds, reflecting their active participation in public life. He specifically mentioned Deputy Governor Nabil Shamma, the brother of renowned musician Naseer Shamma, as an example of the community's strong local presence. What's Next? With national elections on the horizon, the controversy over the Kurdish Feyli seat is likely to intensify. Calls for restoring the seat to Wasit and expanding the community's representation are gaining momentum among activists and political allies. However, unless electoral regulations are tightened and community-led representation is prioritized, the quota may become symbolic rather than substantive. 'Without legal safeguards and genuine political will,' Hisham warned, 'the quota will only serve as a façade, not a channel for real empowerment.' Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.
Rudaw Net
2 hours ago
- Rudaw Net
Iraqi dinar nears official rate as market stabilizes
Also in Opinions Kurdistan Region's oil production before, after drone strikes Sarsang oil field attack and the Hamrin oil, gas contracts: five key questions Decoding Ocalan's message: The question of PKK disarmament and the future of Kurdish politics Kurdish intellectuals face challenges amid Turkey's Kurdish question A+ A- Iraq's national currency, the dinar, is showing strong signs of recovery, with the market rate steadily approaching the official exchange rate of 1,320 IQD to the US dollar. After a turbulent period of volatility and speculation, this shift signals something deeper than a temporary market correction - it's the product of deliberate government action, changing trade behaviors, and a structural shift in how Iraqis interact with money. From chaos to coordination Until recently, the dinar's value on the street was largely dictated by informal market players who thrived on gaps between official and parallel exchange rates. But over the past year, the Iraqi government has launched a wide-ranging campaign to take back control by tightening regulation, changing how dollars are accessed, and nudging both businesses and individuals toward official channels. The government's decision to ban US dollar transactions for local high-value purchases, especially in real estate and luxury goods, has played a major role in restoring demand for the dinar. Meanwhile, businesses that once relied on the Central Bank's daily auctions are now required to process foreign payments through correspondent banks, reducing the space for dollar hoarding and speculative arbitrage. 'Speculation is being replaced by structure,' said Mazhar Mohammed Salih, financial advisor to the Iraqi prime minister. 'The state has finally begun to set the rules, and the market is responding.' A new flow of dollars Beyond regulatory shifts, Iraq's economy is also undergoing subtle but important changes in how foreign currency flows in and out. The government has started compensating some international contractors in crude oil rather than cash. These companies then sell the oil on global markets and bring the dollars back into Iraq through their own channels - providing the economy with a fresh, non-Central Bank supply of hard currency. At the same time, Iraq's role as a re-export hub - once a key driver of black-market demand for dollars - has sharply declined. Stricter oversight at borders and more formal trade practices have undercut the once-lucrative business of reselling goods to countries like Iran, Syria, and Turkey through backdoor channels. As demand for cash dollars softens, the gap between the official and street rate is closing. And that gap, which for months symbolized inefficiency and mistrust, is now rapidly shrinking. 'There has been a clear shift in behavior,' said Manar al-Obaidi, head of investment firm FFC. 'Dollar demand is down, and confidence in the system is creeping back.' Structural overhaul meets economic cooldown The current trend is also rooted in longer-term structural changes. Iraq's economy is gradually becoming more formal. Small traders are getting easier access to official currency rates, electronic payments are on the rise, and retail imports are being managed through cooperatives that use the official rate. At the same time, Iraq is seeing a slowdown in public spending on infrastructure and large projects - partly a result of fluctuating oil revenues. With fewer imports flooding in, the overall demand for dollars has naturally declined. 'The fundamentals are shifting,' said economist Ahmed Tabaqchali. 'There's a mix of reform and slowdown happening together, and both are cooling the pressure on the currency.' The road ahead Iraq's challenge has never been about a lack of resources. With healthy foreign reserves and oil exports still strong, the question has always been whether those resources could be managed transparently and strategically. Now, for the first time in years, there's momentum toward that goal. The dinar's recovery is not just a technical market win - it's a reflection of rising trust in the state's ability to regulate and stabilize. Whether this trajectory holds will depend on consistent enforcement, sustained reforms, and the government's ability to shield its progress from political turbulence. But for now, the message from the market is clear: the dinar is no longer drifting - it's being steered. Omar Ahmed is editor-in-chief of Rudaw's Economy Desk. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Rudaw.
