Farmers to return to Brussels to defend CAP budget
Based on facts, either observed and verified directly by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources.
Languages: Français | Spanish
Farmers will return to the streets of Brussels on 16 July to protest against potential cuts to CAP funding and the European Commission's plan to merge agricultural and cohesion policies into national 'partnerships' managed by member states.
On Monday, the Czech Chamber of Agriculture confirmed to Euractiv that the European farmers' organisation will stage a march in the European quarter on the same day that the Commission presents the first package of proposals for the EU's next long-term budget, also known as the multiannual financial framework (MFF).
Although the Commission's plans have been known for months, agricultural ministers and national farming organisations have only recently ramped up the pressure.
The protest will be the first major farmers' demonstration in the EU capital since last year, when a politically charged gathering at the city's gates aimed to influence the European elections.
A smaller protest against the EU-Mercosur trade deal, organised by grassroots farmer groups and NGOs, took place in November.
This time, however, the tone could be different. The organisers include the Walloon farmers' trade union, the Fédération Wallonne de l'Agriculture, and the EU organisation Copa-Cogeca. The march, which organisers described as "symbolic," is planned to go from the European Parliament to the Berlaymont building, and follows the launch of a petition titled "No security without CAP".
Organisers told Euractiv that they are calling for "a renewed commitment", a dedicated, inflation-adjusted CAP budget, and the preservation of the policy's current two-pillar structure.
(adm, de)
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Euractiv
an hour ago
- Euractiv
Sánchez stands alone as Europe toughens its migration discourse
MADRID – With anti-immigration protests erupting across Spain and public sentiment tilting rightward, Pedro Sánchez's government finds itself under domestic pressure to act tougher on migration, yet increasingly isolated at the European level for resisting the bloc's hardening approach. Images of anti-immigration riots in the small agricultural town of Torre Pacheco, in Spain's southeastern region of Murcia, have dominated local media for weeks. What began as outrage over the assault of an elderly person escalated into five nights of community clashes and unrest, fuelled by online disinformation and far-right mobilisation. Nevertheless, the protests laid bare a sharp rightward shift in public sentiment on migration that reflects a broader national mood. A recent Sigma Dos poll for national newspaper El Mundo shows that 70% of Spaniards support migrant deportations, including 91.7% of centre-right PP voters and 57.1% of those backing Sánchez's Socialist Party (PSOE). Yet, Madrid remains one of the last holdouts against the EU's shift toward stricter migration controls. Alone in Brussels At Tuesday's informal EU Home Affairs Council in Copenhagen, Spain's Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska reiterated Madrid's opposition to the bloc's proposed return regulation, voicing legal and humanitarian concerns. According to an official ministerial statement, Grande-Marlaska expressed 'serious political, legal, economic and sustainability reticence' about the creation of asylum return hubs and large-scale deportations to third countries. Instead, Madrid continues to favour bilateral cooperation with countries of origin and transit - such as Mauritania, Mali and Senegal - as a more sustainable alternative. 'We have achieved a 42% decrease in arrivals to the Canary Islands in the first half of 2025,' the ministry noted, citing a broader 27% drop in irregular arrivals to Spain, compared to a 20% EU average. But experts warn this may be temporary. 'Stricter border controls in transit countries are creating bottlenecks that will eventually give way,' said Xavier Aragall of the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed). According to him, flows will resume and likely increase. However, despite an overall decrease of 20% in the number of irregular border crossings into Europe , and 27% to Spain , the West African route via the Canary Islands remained the busiest migration route in the first two months of 2025. Spain recorded 47,000 arrivals there in 2024 - up from 39,900 in 2023 and 15,680 in 2022. As the central Mediterranean route narrows due to increased controls in North Africa, more pressure is expected to shift westwards toward Spain. Traditionally aligned with other southern frontline states like Italy and Greece, Spain now finds itself increasingly isolated. 'Madrid's solidarity-based approach is leaving it alone in Brussels,' Aragall said. A domestic issue Spain's reluctance to align with the EU's tougher migration stance reflects the political constraints of a fragile ruling coalition that holds opposing views on the question. On the left, junior partner Sumar – holding 26 seats and five ministries – has pushed for a sweeping regularisation law to grant residency to around 500,000 undocumented migrants. The party has also condemned the EU's externalisation plans. 'We are deeply concerned about asylum return hubs – detention centres that may breach humanitarian law,' a Sumar MP told Euractiv. The proposal has the backing of ERC and Bildu, two key pro-independence parties that support the coalition, limiting Sánchez's ability to pivot right. But nationalist forces within the coalition are moving in the opposite direction. Catalan separatist Junts has adopted a harsher tone on migration, and the Basque PNV is calling for stricter enforcement – adding pressure from the centre-right. A major flashpoint is the redistribution of 3,000 unaccompanied minors from the Canary Islands. A decree mandating their transfer across Spain's autonomous regions was approved this week, but six regions – including Madrid, Valencia, and Andalusia – have filed appeals before the Constitutional Court. To complicate matters further, Catalonia and the Basque Country, governed by Sánchez's allies, are exempt from the scheme, fuelling accusations of unfair treatment. Caught between competing forces, Sánchez's government remains reluctant to join the EU's migration hardliners for fear of provoking internal fractures that could threaten its parliamentary survival. (cs)
Euractiv
an hour ago
- Euractiv
Belgium's honeybee decline highlights mixed picture for pollinator health in Europe
Alice Bergoënd Euractiv Jul 24, 2025 06:00 3 min. read News Based on facts, either observed and verified directly by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Want to keep reading? Get a subscription on Euractiv Pro and elevate your political insight! Discover Euractiv Pro For corporations Already have an account? Log in
Euractiv
an hour ago
- Euractiv
Keffiyeh clash: Palestine symbol may or may not be allowed in EU Parliament
Clarity is not a concept often associated with the European Parliament. So it should come as little surprise that more than week after a keffiyeh- wearing staffer was swiftly escorted out of a meeting on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, no one in a position of real authority there can say for sure whether the garb, long the signature of deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, is permissible under the parliament's house rules. "There is no specific formal dress code in the Parliament," a spokesperson told Euractiv, adding that staffers "are expected to conduct themselves with discretion and respect" for the institutions. "This also applies to their choice of attire in their specific workplace." Any questions? The keffiyeh, originally worn by rural Arabs as sun protection before becoming the symbol of Palestinian nationalism and youth rebellion in the West , landed on the agenda last Tuesday. D uring a committee meeting on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, right-wing MEPs took aim at a parliamentary official sporting the black-and-white checked scarf. 'Civil servants are not here to make ideology,' Spanish EPP lawmaker Antonio López-Istúriz White protested, a remark that was echoed by his group's fellow Andrey Kovatchev, from Bulgaria. The staffer was then escorted out of the meeting room, parliamentary sources told Euractiv. In the telling of the parliament spokesperson, the meeting in question 'was briefly interrupted and, as always in such cases, precautionary measures were taken for the meeting to continue without any disruption." The move triggered a headscarf backlash, with progressive MEPs and their assistants appearing in full keffiyeh regalia for the rest of the proceedings. 'I do not see the issue at all [...] I think that person is dressed completely normally," far-left lawmaker Marc Botenga said, adding that no similar concerns had been raised when staff wore Ukrainian symbols. After last week's skirmish, some parliamentary staffers were instructed not to wear the in committee meetings, Euractiv has learned. The Parliament's staff regulations are vague regarding the display of political symbols. 'When performing your duties, you must refrain from taking action that might favour any one group or political party,' an ethics guidebook provided by the Parliament's HR department to personnel reads. 'As an official or other servant of Parliament, you must give politically neutral and balanced advice and support, unless you are employed by a political group.' Yet given that there are no Palestinian parties in the parliament, it is not clear how a keffiyeh might violate that stricture. . The Parliament spokesperson declined to clarify what rules apply to religious garments. Where there is an alleged breach of a staff member's duty to maintain neutrality, however, 'the matter will be investigated on a case-by-case basis,' another Parliament official told Euractiv. Belgian laws concerning freedom of speech do not have a direct effect on the Parliament. The EU's constitutional documents state that the 'premises and buildings of the Union shall be inviolable' – unless Belgian corruption authorities need to raid an MEP's office. Since the buildings are 'exempt from search, requisition, confiscation or expropriation,' the Parliament sets its own rules. If only someone knew what they were. Nicoletta Ionta contributed to this report. (mm)
