India's Modi on two-day visit to Maldives as part of 'neighbourhood-first' policy
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CNA
3 hours ago
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Bangladesh to unveil democratic overhauls on revolution anniversary
DHAKA: Bangladesh's interim government said on Saturday (Aug 2) it will release its slate of democratic overhauls on Aug 5, the one-year anniversary of the overthrow of the previous autocratic administration. The South Asian nation of around 170 million people has been in political turmoil since a student-led revolt ousted then-prime minister Sheikh Hasina on Aug 5, 2024, ending her 15-year rule. Muhammad Yunus, the 85-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner who is leading the caretaker government as its chief adviser until elections are held, has said he inherited a "completely broken down" system of public administration. Yunus previously pledged to unveil a "big package" to overhaul democratic institutions. But efforts to reach agreements have made slow progress as political parties jostle for power ahead of elections, slated for early 2026. Yunus's government has warned that political power struggles risk jeopardising the gains that have been made. On Jul 29, Yunus said he was working to "build a broad national consensus around a renewed political system - one that delivers inclusive, participatory, and credible elections". Yunus's office said on Saturday that the "July Proclamation" would be "presented to the nation ... in the presence of all political parties involved in the mass uprising". Hasina's rule saw widespread human rights abuses, including the mass detention and extrajudicial killings of her political opponents. Her government was also accused of politicising courts and the civil service, staging lopsided elections and dismantling democratic checks on its power. Hasina, 77, fled to India, where she has defied court orders to attend her ongoing trial on charges amounting to crimes against humanity. Protests began on Jul 1, 2024, with university students calling for reforms to a quota system for public sector jobs. They culminated on Aug 5, 2024, when thousands of protesters stormed Hasina's palace as she escaped by helicopter.
CNA
16 hours ago
- CNA
Commentary: How the US weaponised Pakistan against India
NEW DELHI: Many in New Delhi welcomed President Donald Trump's return to power, expecting him to take the Indo-US relationship to new heights. They must wonder where it all went wrong, given that Trump launched an unprecedented broadside against India this week – threatening tariffs of 25 per cent and warning that a surcharge would be added unless India stops buying Russian oil and weapons. He even expressed dissatisfaction with the nation's participation in the 'anti-US' BRICS grouping. Normally, Prime Minister Narendra Modi might just overlook a few social media posts. It may be humiliating to wind up with higher tariff rates than India's peers after wooing Trump, but that can be shrugged off as well. Yet the president didn't stop at trade. He twisted the knife by announcing a tariff deal with Pakistan on the very same day – and added that US companies would help India's troubled neighbour extract oil from recently discovered reserves, and that 'maybe they'll be selling oil to India one day.' I'm not sure Trump knows what he's playing with. Yes, the government was looking forward to a more transactional era: For New Delhi, almost everything is negotiable. But not its relationship with Pakistan. Citizens already resented Trump claiming credit for a ceasefire between the nuclear-armed nations earlier this year. Nothing is more likely to cause any Indian leader to dig in his heels and stop talking about economic ties than a mention of Pakistan. INDIA HAS LITTLE LEVERAGE Policymakers are grimly absorbing some unpalatable truths. Has New Delhi overestimated its geopolitical importance? The tariff threat was bad enough: 25 per cent is higher than the 19 per cent agreed with the Philippines and Indonesia, and much higher than the 15 per cent offered to US allies like the European Union, Korea and Japan. For some reason, India expected it was so indispensable to the US that it would receive a better deal than long-term allies – even one that preserved the barriers it has erected around industry and agriculture. Instead, unless it gives away far more than planned, it might wind up as one of the few countries that emerged from Trump's tariff 'pause' with a higher, not lower rate than was originally threatened. New Delhi has learned, too late, that it has very little actual leverage in Washington. The Chinese may be granted another extension because they have things that they can threaten the US economy with. The Europeans and East Asians can promise to buy American-made weaponry or invest in the US. India can neither threaten nor bribe. For years, it has nevertheless managed to punch above its actual economic weight by tacitly promising to be part of Washington-led attempts to contain a rising China. Tacitly, not openly, mind – India doesn't believe that closeness to the US precludes it from participating in China-dominated groupings or supporting Beijing's clients in Moscow. But Trump's ire demonstrates that this balancing act has may finally have run its course. Russia might not be his top priority, but its second-largest client's refusal to fall in line will still irritate him. He received fulsome praise from Pakistan's leaders after he announced a ceasefire; the Indians pointedly ignored him. This White House wants homage, not defiance. There was certainly a cantankerous edge to his remark that, for all he cared, India and Russia could 'take their dead economies down together'. INDIA'S US POLICY IS IN SHAMBLES Had he merely demanded more distance between Delhi and Moscow – and done so, if possible, without insulting India's economic prospects – leaders might well have quietly given in. The discount on Russian oil is only between US$6 and US$10 a barrel, and according to research from Standard Chartered, the impact on inflation of switching to US sources would be negligible. Sure, the government would have to somehow convince its nationalist base that the switch would be in the country's interest after spending two years claiming the opposite. But trust in the prime minister is high enough for him to pull that off. What voters won't accept, however, is any dilution of the government's hard line on Pakistan. Capitulation to Trump after he has signalled he prefers their neighbours would be a tough sell, even for Modi. In less than 24 hours, New Delhi's policy for the Trump era, and its carefully cultivated strategic ambiguity amid US-China tension, were both left in shambles. I expect Modi will still be able to push through some sort of deal, if with more concessions and domestic political damage than he would like. But Trump is clearly asking himself exactly what India brings to the table as a partner. Equally, citizens will wonder if the US is once again making the mistake – as it has so often before – of trusting Pakistan's establishment while ignoring India. New Delhi's confidence that it could navigate the Trump era has been well and truly shattered; it will take a long time for the relationship to recover from this tumultuous week.
Straits Times
a day ago
- Straits Times
Why has India vowed to protect its farmers in the face of tariff threats?
Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox MUMBAI - U.S. President Donald Trump on Thursday slapped a 25% tariff on Indian goods after prolonged talks that got bogged down over access to India's labour-intensive agricultural sector, which New Delhi has pledged to protect. WHY IS INDIA OPPOSING THE PRODUCTS THE U.S. IS LOBBYING FOR? The United States is pressing India to open its markets to a wide range of American products, including dairy, poultry, corn, soybeans, rice, wheat, ethanol, fruits and nuts. While India is willing to provide greater access for U.S. dry fruits and apples, it is holding back on corn, soybeans, wheat, and dairy products. A key reason for this resistance is that most U.S. corn and soybeans are genetically modified (GM), and India does not permit the import of GM food crops. GM crops are widely perceived in India as harmful to human health and the environment, and several groups affiliated with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are opposing their introduction. The commercial cultivation of a high-yielding GM mustard variety that India developed itself is currently not allowed due to an ongoing legal battle. Like GM crops, dairy is also a highly sensitive issue, as it provides a livelihood for millions of farmers, including many who are landless or smallholders. The dairy industry helps sustain farmers even during erratic monsoon seasons, which can cause significant fluctuations in crop production. In India, where a large proportion of the population is vegetarian, food choices are strongly influenced by cultural and dietary preferences. Indian consumers are particularly concerned that cattle in the U.S. are often fed animal by-products - a practice that conflicts with Indian food habits. Top stories Swipe. Select. Stay informed. Tech Reporting suspected advanced cyber attacks will provide a defence framework: Shanmugam Singapore Tanjong Katong sinkhole: Road will progressively open to motorists from Aug 2 noon World Trump modifies reciprocal tariffs ahead of deadline; rate on Singapore remains at 10% Business Singapore's US tariff rate stays at 10%, but the Republic is not out of the woods yet Singapore 5 women face capital charges after they were allegedly found with nearly 27kg of cocaine in S'pore Business Sumo Salad had valid insurance coverage for work injury claims: MOM Asia Australia to force Google to conduct age checks in world-first rules for search engines Singapore PM Wong to deliver National Day message on Aug 8 WHY ARE AGRICULTURAL IMPORTS POLITICALLY CHARGED? India is self-sufficient in most farm goods, with the exception of vegetable oils. After liberalising cooking oil imports over three decades ago, the country now has to import nearly two-thirds of its supply to meet demand. India does not want to repeat this mistake with other basic foods, which account for nearly half of its consumer price index. Though agriculture makes up just 16% of India's nearly $3.9 trillion economy, it is the lifeblood for nearly half the country's 1.4 billion people. Four years ago, this powerful voting bloc forced Modi's government into a rare retreat on a set of controversial farm laws. Some in power fear a flood of cheaper U.S. imports would bring down local prices and hand opposition parties an opportunity to sharpen its attack on the government. New Delhi is also worried that a trade deal with the U.S. could also force it to open its agricultural sector to other countries. HOW DOES FARMING IN INDIA AND THE U.S. DIFFER? The vast disparity in the scale of farming makes it difficult for Indian farmers to compete with their U.S. counterparts. The average Indian farm is a 1.08 hectares (2.67 acres), compared to 187 hectares in the U.S. For dairy farmers, the difference is even more dramatic - a small herd of two or three animals versus hundreds or more in the U.S. Many Indian farmers also rely on traditional, unmechanised techniques, while American agriculture has developed into a highly efficient, tech-driven industry. WHY IS INDIA HESITANT TO USE U.S. ETHANOL IN ITS BIOFUEL PROGRAMME? One of India's key goals with its Ethanol Blended Petrol (EBP) programme is to reduce energy imports and support domestic farmers by using sugarcane and corn for biofuel production. Indian companies have invested heavily in new distilleries, and farmers have expanded corn cultivation to meet the rising demand. India recently achieved its ambitious target of a 20% ethanol blend in petrol. With state assembly elections approaching in Bihar - a major corn-producing state in the east - allowing U.S. ethanol imports would lower local corn prices. This would probably anger farmers and turn them against the BJP ahead of the election and also undermine the growing distillery sector. REUTERS
