logo
BJP workers pay tribute to ex-CM, help elders

BJP workers pay tribute to ex-CM, help elders

Time of India3 days ago
New Delhi: Senior BJP functionaries and several people gathered at Swabhiman Sthal, Ghevra Mod on Monday to pay tribute to former CM of Delhi, Sahib Singh Verma. To commemorate the day, a welfare distribution programme was organised in collaboration with the Artificial Limbs Manufacturing Corporation of India (ALIMCO), a govt of India enterprise.
Under ADIP Yojana and the Rashtriya Vayoshree Yojana, free assistive devices were distributed to hundreds of differently-abled individuals (Divyangjan) and senior citizens. Born in Mundka, Sahib Singh Verma rose as a stalwart leader of rural Delhi.
The event organised in remembrance of Sahib Singh Verma witnessed the presence of several dignitaries, including Delhi cabinet ministers, Members of Parliament, and Delhi BJP president Virendra Sachdeva. Speaking at the event, his son and cabinet minister, Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma, said: "My father was not just my parent, he was my first teacher, my role model, and my moral compass. He showed us that even in politics, you can stay honest, humble, and deeply rooted in your culture.
"
You Can Also Check:
Delhi AQI
|
Weather in Delhi
|
Bank Holidays in Delhi
|
Public Holidays in Delhi
He didn't just represent Delhi in the assembly or Parliament; he represented its soul — especially that of rural Delhi. Today's initiative is a small step in carrying forward his lifelong mission." he said. tnn
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Slap in Mumbai's face
Slap in Mumbai's face

Indian Express

time33 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Slap in Mumbai's face

The assault oN a sweetshop owner in Mumbai's Mira Road, allegedly by hooligans affiliated with the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), for not speaking in Marathi, is not an isolated incident. It is a deeply troubling brand of politics rearing its head again. Coming in the wake of an agitation against the state government's ill-conceived resolutions on the three-language policy — first making Hindi mandatory at the primary school level, then making it optional — it is a warning that must be heeded. Both Raj Thackeray's MNS and Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena (UBT) accused the BJP-led Mahayuti government of seeking to impose Hindi on the state, the estranged Thackeray cousins coming together after two decades on the plank of 'Marathi pride'. Maharashtra's Devendra Fadnavis government did well to withdraw its Hindi language mandate to schools. But that the incident of assault in Mumbai came as MNS workers celebrated the revocation and days before the protest-turned-victory rally called by the Thackerays on July 5, should ring alarm bells — a parochial politics cannot be allowed to change the subject and tip over into violence in India's most industrialised state. Ever since it was founded in 2006, the MNS has periodically stoked the 'Marathi pride' issue, employing divisive, even violent, tactics. At a Gudi Padwa rally earlier this year, Raj Thackeray said that his party would not hesitate to slap residents in the state should they refuse to speak Marathi — following this, MNS workers attacked officials at banks for not offering services in the language. However, it is also apparent that such belligerence resonates less and less among the people in a state where non-Marathi speakers make up a significant chunk of the population, and whose capital, Mumbai, attracts workers from across the country. The MNS's stark and growing disconnect from the ground is evident in its electoral record: From 13 seats in the 2009 Assembly elections to one each in 2014 and 2019 to none at all in 2024. The Shiv Sena (UBT) is also currently engaged in a fight for relevance following the drubbing of the Maha Vikas Aghadi in the 2024 Assembly election — that may explain its regression to the lumpenism that long characterised the undivided Shiv Sena. In doing so, however, it risks stripping away the sheen that Uddhav Thackeray's chief ministership, seen to be steadying and sober during the pandemic, had earned for the party. The hooliganism in Mira Road must be condemned and the perpetrators must face the consequences of taking the law into their own hands. The Mahayuti government, which came to power with a sweeping mandate, needs to deliver on promises of enhancing economic opportunity, ease of doing business and carving out wider avenues of development for Maharashtra's youth. This cannot happen if a narrowing political project is allowed to cock a snook at the rule of law.

Today in Politics: What the special revision of electoral rolls means in Bihar
Today in Politics: What the special revision of electoral rolls means in Bihar

Indian Express

time38 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Today in Politics: What the special revision of electoral rolls means in Bihar

As per the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls ordered by the Election Commission ahead of the Bihar Assembly polls, residents of Bihar whose names did not figure in the 2003 electoral rolls must provide one of 11 documents notified by the EC to prove their 'citizenship'. But when The Indian Express visits Bihar, many do not have these documents. This story plays out in village after village in the state, from Nitish's turf Harnaut in Nalanda district, to RJD chief Lalu Prasad's Raghopur in Vaishali. The Raghopur Assembly seat is currently represented by Lalu's son and senior RJD leader Tejashwi Prasad Yadav. In the next 20 days or so, as the monsoon moves in, over 77,000 booth level offices along with other government staff and political party workers must check the antecedents of over 7.8 crore registered electors as part of the revision exercise. While a declaration that an applicant is a citizen is required for all new registrations, this time the EC is asking for citizenship proof for all new as well as existing voters. Across villages in Bihar, this has meant both disquiet and a desperate scramble for residential and caste certificates, the most commonly available of the 11 documents specified by the EC. RSS pitch RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale last week said that the words 'secular' and 'socialist' in the Preamble to the Constitution should be reviewed. This is not the first time the issue has come up. BJP Rajya Sabha MP Rakesh Sinha moved a Private Member's Bill in 2020, and others have petitioned the courts. The Supreme Court examined the matter, and in 2024, a two-judge Bench led by then Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sanjeev Khanna upheld the insertion of 'socialist' and 'secular' in the Preamble. The timing of the Sangh's move today is of as much interest as the move itself. After the fulfilment of its core agenda — Ram temple, Article 370, Uniform Civil Code — the Sangh may want to push its agenda further in its centenary year as it looks to create a Hindu civilisational entity. The RSS's suggestion can complicate an already difficult situation for the BJP brass. First, the party will have to decide what it will do about the allegiance to secularism that is mentioned in its party Constitution. In 2014, PM Modi said that secularism 'flows in our blood'. Second, the BJP's NDA allies, on whom the party is dependent in its third term, are not likely to bite the bullet easily. Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan has already made it clear he is not in favour of amending the Preamble. Third, it will give another handle to the Congress to target the BJP. Neerja Chowdhury unpacks in her column Majithia's bail plea On Friday, the Punjab and Haryana High Court will hear Shiromani Akali Dal leader Bikram Singh Majithia's plea against his arrest and subsequent remand in a disproportionate assets case registered against him by the Vigilance Bureau. Majithia was sent to a seven-day vigilance remand by the Mohali court on June 26. The court Wednesday extended the remand by four more days after his seven-day remand ended. The VB on June 25 arrested Majithia in the case allegedly involving laundering of Rs 540 crore of 'drug money'. Majithia on July 1 moved the high court, calling the arrest 'political witch-hunting and vendetta' for being a vocal critic of the current dispensation. In his petition, he sought appropriate relief against 'illegal' arrest and subsequent remand granted in the FIR registered under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988. He submitted that the FIR registered against him is 'patently illegal' while his arrest was carried out in 'gross violation of settled legal procedures'. In 2021, Majithia was booked under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act. The action was taken on the basis of a 2018 report of the anti-drug Special Task Force. Majithia spent more than five months in Patiala jail and walked out of prison in August 2022 after the Punjab and Haryana High Court granted him bail. – With PTI inputs

As RSS calls for amending Preamble, why it puts BJP in a tricky position
As RSS calls for amending Preamble, why it puts BJP in a tricky position

Indian Express

timean hour ago

  • Indian Express

As RSS calls for amending Preamble, why it puts BJP in a tricky position

When the RSS general secretary says that the words 'secular' and 'socialist' in the Preamble to the Constitution should be reviewed, it is more than a casual call for a debate, for the Sangh is measured in its utterances. Dattatreya Hosabale's comment last week is not the first time the issue has come up. BJP Rajya Sabha MP Rakesh Sinha moved a Private Member's Bill in 2020, and others have petitioned the courts. The Supreme Court examined the matter, and in 2024, a two-judge Bench led by then Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sanjeev Khanna upheld the insertion of 'socialist' and 'secular' in the Preamble. It is true, as the RSS says, that B R Ambedkar, and indeed Jawaharlal Nehru, did not feel it was required to explicitly include secularism and socialism in the Preamble when the Constitution was being framed. Ambedkar felt the idea was embedded in the essence of the document and did not need an overt expression. In 1976, Indira Gandhi decided to include the words in the Preamble amid the Emergency when fundamental rights were suspended, the press muzzled, the judiciary's oversight role withdrawn, and Opposition leaders in jail. In the preceding months, there had not been any demand for their inclusion in the Preamble, and there was hardly any discussion on the matter before it happened. The change came as part of the 42nd Amendment that concentrated power in the hands of the executive. Whatever be Mrs Gandhi's motivation — whether it was to insert 'socialist' to retain the support of the USSR, or add 'secularism' to make amends and send a signal to Muslims who were angry about enforced sterilisations during the Emergency — the Janata Party government chose not to remove the two words from the Preamble. The government, of which the BJP's precursor Jana Sangh was a part, clearly thought it politically prudent to retain them even though it undid many of the Emergency provisions through the 44th Amendment. The two 'S' words that have suddenly become so controversial did not create a kerfuffle back then and a few questioned if India was, or should be, a secular and socialist nation. Over the years, socialism has evolved into a widely accepted generic concept, understood as economic and social justice for the last person. PM Narendra Modi is more of a social-welfarist than several of his predecessors. Secularism, too, had near-universal acceptance till it began to be equated with minority appeasement. The RSS wants to turn the clock back. But in politics, sometimes it's easier to do than undo. To remove 'secular' from the Preamble today will signal that India is now moving towards a Hindu Rashtra. It is like talking about undoing reservation for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes given after Independence (22.5%), or quota for the Other Backward Classes (27%) that was given in 1990 following the Mandal Commission report. V P Singh had once said even if he wanted to undo the Mandal decision, he could not go back because it could lead to widespread violence. When RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in 2015 spoke about moving beyond reservation, the resulting backlash only helped bring Lalu Prasad and Nitish Kumar to power in Bihar. The timing of the Sangh's move today is of as much interest as the move itself. After the fulfilment of its core agenda — Ram temple, Article 370, Uniform Civil Code — the Sangh may want to push its agenda further in its centenary year as it looks to create a Hindu civilisational entity. The response, or otherwise, of the BJP to Hosabale's comment is instructive. Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan — who has been one of the Sangh's favourites for BJP presidentship — was the first to endorse the idea. Chouhan said 'sarva dharma sambhava (all religions are equal)' and not secularism (the French concept of separation of church and state) was a part of Indian culture. His Cabinet colleague Jitendra Singh also spoke in the same vein as did Chief Ministers Devendra Fadnavis and Himanta Biswa Sarma. The RSS's suggestion can complicate an already difficult situation for the BJP brass. First, the party will have to decide what it will do about the allegiance to secularism that is mentioned in its party Constitution. In 2014, PM Modi said that secularism 'flows in our blood'. Second, the BJP's NDA allies, on whom the party is dependent in its third term, are not likely to bite the bullet easily. Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan has already made it clear he is not in favour of amending the Preamble. Third, it will give another handle to the Congress to target the BJP. Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi has already said the BJP prefers the Manusmriti to the Constitution. Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav has also accused the party of quietly going for a change in the Constitution because it is unable to openly oppose reservation for Dalits and OBCs. Both the BJP and the Opposition are manoeuvring to get the support of Dalits and OBCs. The ruling party knows how fraught with risks any talk of changing the Constitution can be, given that the Opposition's narrative dented it in the Lok Sabha elections last year and brought the party down to 240 seats. There is a growing perception today about the Constitution. The founding document (also, Constitutional secularism) is identified with Ambedkar, more than was the case in the 1970s and 80s. And Ambedkar is equated with Dalits and Dalits with reservation. Even though the RSS is saying it wants to return to the Preamble approved by Ambedkar, we do not know which way the cookie will crumble. Both the Congress and the BJP realise the Constitution is a live political issue today and observing the 50th anniversary of the Emergency is more than a mere recall of what happened then. We can discuss what kind of secularism suits the country. We can accept or reject the French model, and back the Indian concept that emphasises the equality of religions before the state. However, at the end of the day, secularism is not a luxury for a diverse nation such as India. It is a necessity that enables us to co-exist as one entity. (Neerja Chowdhury, Contributing Editor, The Indian Express, has covered the last 11 Lok Sabha elections. She is the author of How Prime Ministers Decide)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store