Claims court endorsed by Montana Senate
District courts in the state of Montana saw more than 57,000 cases filed in 2024, with a record 13,854 criminal cases filed across the state's 22 judicial districts. The former chief justice of the Montana Supreme Court has described the state's court system as 'stressed,' even as far back as 2019?
To fix that, Sen. Majority Leader Tom McGillvray, R-Billings, introduced a bill to create a new intermediate-level court to remove complex civil cases related to the constitutionality of government actions, as well as asbestos claims, from the district court's purview.
The bill passed the upper chamber 28-22, with four Republicans joining all Democrats in opposition.
The goal, according to McGillvray, is to free up the district court dockets and allow specialized judges to rule on complicated constitutional issues, which would 'enhance the efficiency and productivity of the court.'
'I think the definition of insanity is keep doing the same thing over and over, you'll get the same result, which is a clogged up court system that is behind on dealing with these civil cases that need to be addressed in an efficient manner,' McGillvray said during a hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee on March 4.
The new government claims court created in Senate Bill 385 would have concurrent jurisdiction with the state's district courts over alleged illegality or unconstitutionality of government actions, including legislative actions, administrative rules, citizen-passed ballot measures and agency permitting actions. The three justices would be appointed by the governor, rather than elected as district court and state supreme court justices are currently, and serve six-year staggered terms.
McGillvray listed off the number of additional district court judges needed to cover the existing workload — 11 across the state including five in Yellowstone County — as justification for the new court.
But opponents of the new court said McGillvray's bill wasn't adequately addressing the issue among district courts, took power away from the judicial branch and Montana voters, and was just a reaction to the Legislature losing several court cases over laws passed during the last two sessions.
Anne Sherwood, representing Friends of the Third Branch, an educational organization focused on the state's judiciary, raised concerns about how many cases the court would actually divert from district court, saying that constitutional challenges are a small portion of the dockets. She also pointed out one major refrain from the Republican majority's judicial reform push has been enhancing accountability for judges.
'These judges are going to be appointed by the governor. They're not going to be accountable to the people of Montana,' Sherwood said. 'These judges are going to be making decisions that have statewide impact, and people are not going to be able to vote for or against those judges. That's huge.'
Proponents for the bill included the Montana Family Foundation, Americans for Prosperity-Montana and an attorney representing himself.
Derek Oestreicher, chief legal counsel with the Montana Family Foundation, said the group doesn't typically weigh in on judicial bills, but felt the bill provided an opportunity to address a strained court system where judges are stretched thin with growing caseloads, especially criminal, neglect and dependency cases.
'These cases demand careful attention and swift resolution, particularly when vulnerable children and families are involved,' Oestreicher said, adding the Foundation sometimes saw cases take years to resolve. 'The burdens on our court system have resulted in delayed justice far too often. This bill is a win-win for Montana.'
On the other side, Al Smith, representing the Montana Trial Lawyers, said the group opposed the new court and would rather see the legislature direct funds to the district courts.
'You're taking powers that are granted to district courts and handing them over to an appointed, not elected judiciary,' Smith said. 'Who came up with this idea? Was it the courts? Was it the people that used the courts? Was there any deliberative process to determine that this is the answer to our problems?'
The bill came out of the interim Senate Select Committee on Judicial Oversight and Reform, but in another form.
Originally introduced as Senate Bill 52, a proposed 'Court of Chancery' would have also been a three-judge governor-appointed court, but would have overseen business law, land-use law and constitutional law.
In an early press briefing with Senate GOP leadership, McGillvray emphasized that the Chancery Court was 'basically a business court.'
'The whole goal of this, of course, is to expedite business cases and bring them up to the surface and provide high quality judges where they're predictable, they're ruled by the rule of law consistently and accurately, and attract businesses in the state of Montana,' McGillvray said.
The bill came close to getting a hearing in the Senate Judiciary Committee — the Senate GOP sent out a press release about it on Feb. 5 — but towards the end of February, McGillvray withdrew it.
He said the court's jurisdiction was too broad and unwieldy, and that the Governor's Office had concerns, so he reduced the jurisdiction.
But the junque file for SB 52 — documents detailing comments and emails among legislators, staff and consultants during the bill drafting process — indicates a court focused on constitutional claims was always the goal.
In an email to McGillvray, Rob Natelson, an attorney and former UM law professor who was an advisor to the Judicial oversight committee and contracted by the Legislature for $10,000 to help draft some of the judicial reform bills, outlined his consideration for the court.
'The new court's jurisdictional scope should cover areas in which the existing system has been a problem in Montana,' wrote Natelson. 'The poor quality of adjudication of constitutional cases has been a MAJOR problem in Montana.'
Another draft version of the Chancery Court would have only given it jurisdiction over constitutional claims and environmental lawsuits involving the Montana Environmental Policy Act — the law upon which a recent controversial court case, Held v. Montana, was predicated, and an order overturned two legislative statutes.
The new bill draft, SB 385, was requested by Senate President Matt Regier, R-Kalispell, using leadership privileges to submit a late draft request. McGillvray carried the bill and it passed through the Senate Judiciary Committee on a 5-3 party-line vote.
Debate continued on the Senate floor Wednesday, mostly along partisan lines. Democrats, and a small number of Republicans, said it was adding partisanship to the judiciary and ignoring the existing problem with district court case loads, while a majority of Republicans lauded the effort to streamline the system.
'This work can help with those district court demands,' said Sen. Barry Usher, R-Billings, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee. 'I think this is a great deal, I think the sponsor's done a lot of research. We spent a lot of time in the judicial select committee on this and I think it's a great bill.'
Republican Sen. Russ Tempel of Chester said he opposed the bill for its costs.
The fiscal note indicates that the court would cost the state a million dollars in fiscal year 2026, $3.5 million in 2027, and roughly $2 million each of the next two years.
'I was sent here to reduce government, not increase government,' Tempel said.
According to the bill's fiscal note, each judge would be paid $240,000 — 20% higher than associate judges on the state's supreme court.
McGillvray said the higher salary was not meant to disparage sitting supreme court justices, but to properly incentivize highly qualified, specialized judges for the new court.
'I think (Supreme Court judges) should be paid higher too. We need to start paying the judges more, because we need good judges and we need to attract high-quality attorneys,' McGillvray said.
Salaries and expenses for the government claims court would come from the state's general fund.
Other opponents latched onto an amendment added in committee to put asbestos claims under the court's jurisdiction.
Currently, asbestos-related claims, a major issue for residents of Libby who have been exposed to asbestos-tainted vermiculite mined near the town, are handled by the Montana Asbestos Claims Court, created in 2017. Hundreds of cases were moved from district courts to the asbestos court, and several lawyers who represent asbestos victims testified against the bill in committee.
Three Democratic senators said they'd received emails from residents of western Montana, specifically near Libby, worried the bill would affect the asbestos cases currently active.
McGillvray said he added asbestos claims to the jurisdiction of the government claims court at the request of current Montana Supreme Court Chief Justice Cory Swanson, and that active cases would just have the option of changing venue.
Sen. Cora Neumann, D-Bozeman, said the bill should be considered in the context of dozens of other judicial reform legislation pushed by the GOP-majority this session.
'I can see how when bill after bill is introduced on the same topic, because it's a high priority for part of the caucus, you start to lose track, almost,' Neumann said. 'At the end of the day, this is just another attempt to control the courts, which our Chief Justice asked us not to do.'
In committee, McGillvray called opponents who testified against the bill as 'hard-left dark money groups that like the status quo,' and on the Senate floor he pushed back against detractors again, saying many positions taken by opponents were red herrings.
He said an efficient and consistent justice system will bring business and money to Montana.
'I think this is a great idea, whose time was a long time in coming. It's time to move forward with fresh ideas,' McGillvray said.
The final vote tally wavered a bit around the pass-fail margin before ending at 28-22, with Republican Sens. Mike Cuffe, Gregg Hunter, Jeremy Trebas and Tempel joining all Democrats in opposition.
The bill was referred to the Finance and Claims Committee for further consideration.
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He launched his higher education career early by taking college courses while in high school, according to details shared about his high school and college life by Education Department spokesperson Madison Biedermann. He also was a first-generation student who received a Pell Grant, an award geared toward low-income students. After graduating, he spent two years working for the Accrediting Bureau of Health Education Schools, according to his LinkedIn page listing his work history. It's a smaller player in the accreditation space that approves many for-profit schools that offer bachelor's degrees and shorter programs for jobs like a licensed practical nurse, massage therapist or dental hygienist. In 2008, he joined Education Affiliates, and in 2009 he started a master's program at George Washington University with a concentration in higher education administration. 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By then, it had 53 campuses and more than 60,000 students. The suit alleged, among other things, that the company had deliberately gamed the federal student aid system. Her whistleblower suit mentioned a case involving a campus in Essington, Pennsylvania where Thomas found 30 cases in an audit of 266 students that would require the for-profit company to return federal funds to the government. Of those 30, 11 had already graduated and 16 had dropped out, but the company still marked them as active students and received federal aid. (The remaining three were ineligible for different reasons.) She learned that staff were directing students to acquire fraudulent high school diplomas from the internet to fake their eligibility to take college classes and receive financial aid. Thomas brought these concerns and others to her superiors, including the then-CEO, but she was met with 'near universal hostility,' according to her lawsuit. The suit went on to say executives 'attempted at all costs to minimize the results thereof by blatantly changing the results, doctoring actual documents in student files, or simply refusing to return and refund funding to the Department of Education.' Thomas said she was fired in 2012 after the company had learned she had brought her complaints to the Education Department. But it wasn't just Thomas who raised concerns. Her whistleblower suit would join four others against the company covering a span from 2005 to 2013. The resulting investigation included five different state attorneys general offices across the U.S., the Education Department and the FBI. The plaintiffs were mostly former employees, but some included students who said they were fraudulently enrolled. Though the specifics of the complaints varied, most painted the company as focused on growth rather than student success. 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Rosenstein, then-U.S Attorney for Maryland who would go on to be deputy attorney general for the first Trump administration, announced the $13 million settlement. Ted Mitchell, then under secretary of the Education Department, said at the time the settled cases included 'numerous allegations of predatory conduct that victimized students and bilked taxpayers.' Years later, Mitchell as president of the American Council on Education signed a letter endorsing Kent. He declined to answer questions about the 2015 statement. But another senior leader of the group, Jon Fansmith said, 'The ACE letter of support is a sincere recommendation based on Ted's and ACE's experience over a number of years of working with Mr. Kent in a variety of professional roles.' Kent's time with the for-profit group is listed on his LinkedIn page, but it was not included in the Education Department's announcement about his nomination. Ben DeGweck, general counsel for Education Affiliates, confirmed that Kent had been a vice president with the company and that he was 'never involved in any part of the allegations, nor the internal or external discussions related to the settlement, which is now more than a decade old matter.' 'His focus while at Education Affiliates was on external regulatory and legislative matters related to higher education,' DeGweck said in a statement to USA TODAY. The company also supports his nomination, saying it is 'confident he will bring an ethical and fair approach to all institutions of higher education, regardless of sector.' The Education Department declined to answer USA TODAY's questions about Kent's time at Education Affiliates. Instead, in a statement shared by Bindermann the agency said Kent's 20-plus years of experience in the higher education space gave him a 'well-rounded and pragmatic understanding of the education landscape.' Thomas was skeptical of the company's statement based on her experience working at the company and given Kent was part of the corporate team. And Christopher Madaio, a former chief of an investigative unit within Education Department, said in his experience investigating for-profit colleges, pressure to grow profits often comes from those in leadership. Madaio is now a senior adviser for the Institute of College Access and Success, a group which sent a letter to the Senate education committee alongside teachers' unions and others pushing for a public hearing on Kent's nomination. He said the company's response is appreciated, but he said he believes "there is value to putting people who seek this type of important position under oath and asking them questions about their experience, prior employers, and principles.' A defender of for-profit colleges Kent spent less than a year working at Washington, D.C.'s public school system before starting consulting work through the Dulles Advisory Group. In a public filing, Kent wrote that he was the 'sole managing director' and it was 'used only as a pass-through entity for funds received for consulting income.' He added the company had been dormant since 2017. That was when Kent started working for Career Education Colleges and Universities. The group's CEO, Jason Altmire, said he understood Kent wasn't involved in the Education Affiliates settlement and that the company had admitted no wrongdoing. He added that Kent's 'impeccable character' meant he was not worried about his past employment. At that for-profit trade group, Kent earned a reputation as an avid critic of regulation of for-profit schools, especially toward Biden administration policies. He often spoke against the 90/10 rule, a regulation that requires for-profit colleges receive at least 10% of their income from sources other than the federal government. Previously, funding from the Department of Veterans Affairs, which includes the G.I. Bill, had counted toward the 10% side. Veteran advocacy groups argued that loophole gave for-profit colleges an incentive to aggressively recruit students paying with the G.I. Bill as a counterbalance to students paying only with federal financial aid. In 2021, Congress voted to include all forms of federal funding on the 90% side of the rule, not just money from the Education Department as part of a pandemic relief package. CECU, and sometimes Kent directly, had initially argued against that effort, saying the move would limit veterans' access to higher education. Still, representatives for the for-profit sector participated in the federal rulemaking process and CECU abstained from filing a challenge against the final rule. Altmire praised the Trump administration's recent tweak to the rule allowing universities to count some unaccredited programs toward the non-federal funding side. He said the rule does a poor job of measuring quality, but that the group appreciated 'the Department's efforts to at least apply it in a more evenhanded way for as long as it remains in statute.' He told USA TODAY Kent was what the Education Department needed during a transitional time in higher education. He added that Kent had deep policy knowledge and 'is not driven by partisanship and brings a fair and unbiased perspective to the role.' Unlike McMahon, who is newer to the often byzantine world of higher education policy, Kent knows his way around. That is the assessment of Kevin Kinser, a Pennsylvania State University professor, who has long studied the for-profit sector and college accreditation. He said Kent likely understands the 'ways that the higher education universe is dependent on the federal government for its viability,' and how the administration could use that reliance to bend universities to its will. As for what Kent might do? Kinser said he might expect a drive for policies that would have colleges prioritize preparing students for the workforce. That stance would be in contrast to a traditional view of higher education that holds a degree is about helping people be engaged members of society in addition to getting a job. Kinser also said Kent's time working with an accreditor is likely to be useful as Trump on the campaign trail had declared college accreditation his 'secret weapon' to take back universities from the 'radical left.' The administration has already pressured Columbia's and Harvard's accreditors to take action against the universities in response to its findings that they violated the rights of Jewish students. Trump also has signed an executive order that aims to make it easier for universities to switch accreditors and would ramp up efforts to recognize new ones. Kent has also won the support of some veterans groups focused on higher education and some trade groups, including the American Association of Community Colleges, which praised his knowledge of the department's policy making process. Others, such as Ohio University emeritus professor Richard Vedder, are unconcerned about Kent's ties to the for-profit industry. Vedder has studied for-profits and is the author of 'Let Colleges Fail: The Power of Creative Destruction in Higher Education.' Though he would not call himself an advocate for proprietary schools, he said the federal government and some Democratic members of Congress have long been unfairly critical of the for-profit industry. But Vedder said that every sector of higher education has 'bad apples.' And he added that all types of higher ed are subject to some Education Department regulations. Why should working at a for-profit disqualify someone from a top government post, he asked. It was important, he said, to have people who are familiar with higher education in that role. Vedder thought someone like Kent might push to reconfigure the 90/10 rule. He also questioned if he would push for more limits on federal student lending or even advocate to get the government out of that market altogether. Holding higher ed accountable or MAGA agenda to disrupt? In September 2023, Kent hung up his policy hat and moved into the public sector as a member of Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin's administration. A Republican, Youngkin on his first day in office signed an executive order to end the use of "inherently divisive concepts, including critical race theory," in K-12 public schools. In 2024, his administration reviewed the curriculum for courses about race and diversity at George Mason University and Virginia Commonwealth University. The universities subsequently dropped the courses. Youngkin's administration also made headlines that year for signing a Democratic-sponsored bill ending the use of legacy admissions at Virginia's public schools. That cause is often associated with higher education access advocates who say the practice favors wealthy students. Kent's departing message to the Commonwealth focused on other accomplishments. The two paragraph email, which was obtained by USA TODAY, touted 'reducing costs' while advocating for free speech and accountability at Virginia's colleges. He added he was 'especially proud' of providing 'data to make more informed decisions.' That appears to be a reference to the 'Virginia higher education planning guide and college outcomes,' a tool with data like college graduation rates and student demographics. Much of that data was already available via the state organization that oversees higher education institutions in the state. It's unclear what Kent's legacy in Virginia will be long term. Of the lawmakers who responded to USA TODAY's media inquiries, a Republican and two Democrats told USA TODAY they didn't have much or any experience working with Kent directly in his roughly year and a half within the governor's office. But the chair of the Virginia Senate's education committee, Democrat Ghazala Hashmi, said Kent's nomination raised 'significant concerns.' Hashmi, who is also the Democratic nominee for Virginia's lieutenant governor, pointed to his work with CECU to limit regulations for for-profit colleges and said in Virginia he had 'hoped to destabilize accreditation policies for colleges and universities,' but she did 'not allow his efforts to go far.' 'Kent's stance aligns with a broader MAGA agenda to dismantle consumer protections and accountability measures and to undermine the quality of higher education,' Hashmi said. In contrast, a trade group of private universities in Virginia said he was vital to 'expanding and strengthening student aid programs.' Youngkin praised Kent's work, saying in a statement shared by the Education Department that he 'strengthened the management of our higher education institutions, increasing transparency to hold them accountable to parents and students.' The governor's office did not respond to USA TODAY's request for comment about Kent's accomplishments in the state. Regardless of his future, Kent is already notable for signing up for a top job at an agency the president doesn't want to exist. Chris Quintana is an investigative reporter at USA TODAY. He can be reached at cquintana@ or via Signal at 202-308-9021. He is on X at @CQuintanaDC