
China is buying appliances and iPhones. What happens when the subsidies stop?
Photos and videos of her toddler were quickly eating up her phone's storage. One of her children's teachers asked her to download various apps, again straining the limits of her device. But the factor that ultimately brought her into the store was a government trade-in program aimed at stimulating stubbornly sluggish consumer spending in China.
Confronting a trade war with the United States, China's government has poured $42 billion this year into a consumer trade-in program, double last year's amount. The aim was to jolt a much-needed surge in spending at a precarious moment for the economy by subsidizing discounts for a wide variety of consumer goods, from washing machines to electric vehicles.
The program has proved so successful that several municipalities have suspended or curtailed the program in recent weeks to prevent the money from running out prematurely. In May, retail sales grew a surprising 6.4%, exceeding economists' expectations, spurred by robust demand for smartphones and home appliances.
'We want to shear wool from the sheep,' Zhan said, using a popular Chinese idiom for seizing an opportunity. She had already taken advantage of the program to buy an energy-efficient air conditioner and other home appliances at discounts of up to 20%. 'If we can upgrade everything at once when there's a good deal, we'll do it,' she said.
Tepid consumer spending has been a long-running concern for China's economy. Chinese consumers save more and spend less than those in most developed countries, even when the economy is growing at a breakneck pace. But now that growth is decelerating, lucrative jobs are disappearing, and the country's slumping property sector — a key driver of the economy and an investment destination for savings — is showing no signs of rebounding, boosting spending is critical to sustaining economic growth.
China's usual playbook for lifting the economy may not work this time around. It cannot spend as lavishly on infrastructure as it did in the past. Its local governments are swimming in debt after decades of building airports, train stations, and bridges. Its continuing trade feud with the United States and a growing global concern about the flood of inexpensive Chinese goods limit its ability to rev up the country's factories to increase exports.
In a reflection of the challenges facing policymakers, Zhan said that, despite spending through the trade-in program, she was also cutting back. When her preferred coffee shop raised prices to $2 a cup from $1.40, she decided to buy beans and make coffee at home. She said it was natural to make such choices when the economy was not good.
'Many people are even unemployed, or they are forced to stop working, or their salaries are cut,' Zhan said. 'Consequently, rather than just being short of money, people tend to compare and make choices with more consideration.'
While the ruling Communist Party has paid lip service to the importance of boosting consumption for years, recent statements from top officials are growing more emphatic.
Last month, China's premier, Li Qiang, said the country was 'intensifying efforts' to expand domestic demand with special initiatives. Speaking in Tianjin at the World Economic Forum, a meeting of business executives, government leaders, and experts, he pledged to make China 'a megasized consumption powerhouse on top of being a manufacturing powerhouse.'
Xi Jinping, China's top leader, pledged this year to 'fully unleash' the country's consumers to counter the impact of a trade war with the United States.
The current trade-in program — similar to America's 'Cash for Clunkers' initiative — started late last year. It initially applied to eight categories of home appliances and automobiles. The discounts range from 15% to 20%, with larger savings reserved for more energy-efficient products.
China, which issued special Treasury bonds to fund the program, allocated twice as much money for it in 2025 and extended the products covered to include smartphones, tablets, and smartwatches.
Last month, the municipal government of Chongqing, along with a few other regions, halted the subsidies. Chongqing, a city of more than 30 million people, stated that the pause was not a complete cancellation but rather a preparation for a second round of subsidies that would be available at a later date.
Despite the success of the trade-in program, economists fear that its impact on consumption will be short-lived and could lead to a decline in the second half of the year and the first half of next year. Nomura, a Japanese investment bank, estimates that retail sales in the second half of 2025 will decline 0.4 percentage points from the same period last year, and by almost 1 percentage point in the first half of next year.
The government is exploring alternative policy options. Starting this year, China is planning to provide annual payments of $500 per child under 3 years old to families that have children, according to Bloomberg. Zichun Huang, China economist at Capital Economics, said the cash handouts were a 'shift in mindset' and laid the groundwork for other measures to support consumption.
Another factor contributing to China's high savings rates is its sparsely funded social safety net. While most Chinese citizens are enrolled in medical and pension insurance, the benefits are limited, and out-of-pocket payments are significant. Most people are not covered by unemployment or workplace injury insurance, including many of China's 200 million gig workers.
Zhang Dylan, a salesperson for automobile maker BYD, said he had witnessed a modest bump in sales for cars from the trade-in program. As he sat waiting for potential customers to arrive, he noted that the demand, however, was nothing like it had been two or three years ago, when orders would roll in and there was a six-month waiting list for interested buyers.
Like many Chinese consumers, Zhang said he had experienced financial strain because of the real estate downturn. He and his wife bought a home in 2019 for about $265,000. Since then, its value has fallen by nearly half.
Asked why he thought Chinese consumers were not spending more, Zhang said people were being tightfisted because 'it is too difficult to make money.'
Inside a mall in Tianjin, Wang Mingke, a salesperson at a store for Chinese smartphone maker Xiaomi, said the trade-in program had spurred buying of the company's smartphones. He said the store sold more than 30 smartphones a month, compared with 20 a month before the subsidies. A few months ago, in the early months of the initiative, the store sold 50 phones in a month.
Wang, 35, said the subsidy gave a little push to worried consumers to spend.
'Everyone is talking about the economic downturn, and earning money is indeed more difficult,' he said. 'As your income becomes a little lower, when it comes to discretionary spending, you might just choose not to buy for now.'
This article originally appeared in

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Observer
8 hours ago
- Observer
Tesla to sell Model Y cars in India, starting at $69,770
Tech billionaire Elon Musk's Tesla has priced its Model Y at about $69,770 in India, the highest among major markets, its website showed, as the electric carmaker geared up to open its first showroom in Mumbai on Tuesday. With delivery estimated to start from the third quarter, Tesla will drive on to India's busy roads, targeting a niche premium EV segment that accounts for just 4% of overall sales in the world's third-largest car market. It will compete mainly with German luxury giants such as BMW and Mercedes-Benz, rather than domestic mass-market EV players such as Tata Motors and Mahindra. Tesla's Model Y rear-wheel drive will set back buyers 6 million rupees ($70,000), while its Model Y long-range rear-wheel drive costs 6.8 million. That compares with a starting price from $44,990 in the United States, 263,500 yuan ($36,700) in China, and 45,970 euros ($53,700) in Germany. Grappling with excess capacity in global factories and declining sales, Tesla has adopted a strategy of selling imported vehicles in India, despite duties and levies running into roughly 70%. On Tuesday, police guarded Tesla's first showroom in India as media crowded outside the office complex where it is located and the chief minister of the western state of Maharashtra, home to the Indian commercial capital, arrived for the launch. Inside the showroom, clad in Tesla's signature minimalist neutral tones, the Model Y was draped under black and grey covers, partially visible through the glass. Access was tightly regulated, with no sign of fans or onlookers nearby. Tesla's website showed the Model Y available for registration in Mumbai at an on-road price of 6.1 million rupees, with a booking deposit of 22,220 rupees. The firm's Full Self-Driving (FSD) capability is on offer at an additional cost of 600,000 rupees, with future updates promised to enable operation with minimal driver intervention. While the current features require active driver supervision and are not fully autonomous, Tesla says the system will evolve through over-the-air software updates. ($1=86.0020 rupees) (1=7.1736 Chinese yuan renminbi) (1=0.8564 euros) ($1=85.8875 rupees)


Observer
a day ago
- Observer
Britain and Europe are changing together
Many state visits are empty, symbolic acts that have little to no policy content or lasting significance. But every now and then, such a visit changes the shape of international relations. Could French President Emmanuel Macron's recently concluded trip to London be one of them? Macron's three-day trip, the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a European Union head of state since Brexit in 2020, had plenty of pomp and pageantry. But it also focused on policy and politics, which reflects a profound shift in the UK's circumstances since leaving the EU. During the upheaval of the Brexit psychodrama, there was little interest in constructive exchange, and the UK's relationship with Europe remained defined by its lurching departure from the bloc. But nearly a decade on, Donald Trump is back in the White House and has launched a trade war on the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin has shredded the European security order. And Chinese President Xi Jinping has resorted to threats of economic coercion – a striking reversal from the 'golden era' of UK-China relations proclaimed in 2015. Even more dramatic, perhaps, are the changes in the EU. The big policy initiatives launched during Macron's UK visit reflect the forces that are turning the bloc on its head. First, the EU is moving from a peace project to a war union. For most of its existence, the EU sought peace through economic integration. But Putin's war of Ukraine in 2022 reoriented the bloc towards security – a goal that has taken on greater urgency since Trump cast doubt on the United States' commitment to collective security on the continent. There is broad support for this new orientation. According to a recent opinion poll conducted by the European Council on Foreign Relations, many Europeans favour increased defence spending, conscription and the development of a European or national nuclear deterrent. Against this backdrop, Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer took a bold first step towards establishing an independent nuclear deterrent with the Northwood Declaration, in which they agreed that 'there is no extreme threat to Europe that would not prompt a response by our two nations.' A second major change is the development of 'securonomics.' The EU economy is under pressure from Trump's tariffs and China's export restrictions on magnets and critical minerals. EU policymakers now talk of de-risking, diversifying and deepening the single market, rather than pursuing free-trade agreements. While the UK has made it clear that it will not rejoin the single market or the customs union, the question is whether it can persuade the EU that it can be counted on to help the bloc achieve its new trade goals, or whether it will be given unfriendly treatment because it is seen as posing a risk to those objectives. Domestic politics in Europe has also undergone a rapid transformation. It has been fascinating to watch Macron – once a poster boy for liberal universalism – reinvent himself as a champion of secure borders and protectionism, while taking a tougher stance on crime. This volte-face has seen mainstream European politicians shift focus towards defending national sovereignty – from Russia, China, Trump, and migration – while they try to contain populist parties such as Marine Le Pen's National Rally and Alternative für Deutschland. That is the backdrop for the ground-breaking deal that Starmer and Macron signed on migration returns. Starmer's approach to Europe is a marked improvement from that of former Conservative prime ministers Boris Johnson (who compared the EU to Napoleon and Hitler) and Liz Truss (who questioned whether Macron was a friend or a foe). Starmer has proved himself, particularly with his deft diplomacy on Ukraine, to be a reliable partner and stakeholder, regaining the trust of EU institutions and member states. One senior German policymaker told me how impressed he was by the UK filling the leadership vacuum created by Trump's disregard for Ukraine. In other words, the UK is widely seen in Europe as being 'part of the team' again. The EU-UK summit in May provided a clear framework for deepening the relationship, not least through a Security and Defence Partnership that paves the way for British participation in European defence programmes. But the UK government has remained far too cautious in other areas. Most notably, Starmer has been careful not to cross the Labour Party's self-imposed red lines: no freedom of movement, no customs union and no single market. Future historians may well wonder why Starmer did not aim higher. The changing international environment offers Starmer a clear opportunity to redraw Europe's political map, which would establish him as one of Britain's most consequential leaders. But to do so, Starmer must convince British voters that today's Europe is a different creature from the one they imagine: a defence community that is more focused on safeguarding the continent than on transcending the nation-state. And he must explain how the UK can help build this new European security order, so long as it banishes the Brexit mindset. As a post-liberal Europe emerges, Britain must stop clinging to the past and seize the chance to shape the continent's future in a way that advances its interests. That requires acknowledging that both the EU and the UK have entered a new era. Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025


Observer
a day ago
- Observer
China is buying appliances and iPhones. What happens when the subsidies stop?
TIANJIN, China — Browsing through the selection of Apple iPhones in an electronics store in Tianjin in eastern China, Zhan Demi rattled off the reasons she needed to upgrade her device. Photos and videos of her toddler were quickly eating up her phone's storage. One of her children's teachers asked her to download various apps, again straining the limits of her device. But the factor that ultimately brought her into the store was a government trade-in program aimed at stimulating stubbornly sluggish consumer spending in China. Confronting a trade war with the United States, China's government has poured $42 billion this year into a consumer trade-in program, double last year's amount. The aim was to jolt a much-needed surge in spending at a precarious moment for the economy by subsidizing discounts for a wide variety of consumer goods, from washing machines to electric vehicles. The program has proved so successful that several municipalities have suspended or curtailed the program in recent weeks to prevent the money from running out prematurely. In May, retail sales grew a surprising 6.4%, exceeding economists' expectations, spurred by robust demand for smartphones and home appliances. 'We want to shear wool from the sheep,' Zhan said, using a popular Chinese idiom for seizing an opportunity. She had already taken advantage of the program to buy an energy-efficient air conditioner and other home appliances at discounts of up to 20%. 'If we can upgrade everything at once when there's a good deal, we'll do it,' she said. Tepid consumer spending has been a long-running concern for China's economy. Chinese consumers save more and spend less than those in most developed countries, even when the economy is growing at a breakneck pace. But now that growth is decelerating, lucrative jobs are disappearing, and the country's slumping property sector — a key driver of the economy and an investment destination for savings — is showing no signs of rebounding, boosting spending is critical to sustaining economic growth. China's usual playbook for lifting the economy may not work this time around. It cannot spend as lavishly on infrastructure as it did in the past. Its local governments are swimming in debt after decades of building airports, train stations, and bridges. Its continuing trade feud with the United States and a growing global concern about the flood of inexpensive Chinese goods limit its ability to rev up the country's factories to increase exports. In a reflection of the challenges facing policymakers, Zhan said that, despite spending through the trade-in program, she was also cutting back. When her preferred coffee shop raised prices to $2 a cup from $1.40, she decided to buy beans and make coffee at home. She said it was natural to make such choices when the economy was not good. 'Many people are even unemployed, or they are forced to stop working, or their salaries are cut,' Zhan said. 'Consequently, rather than just being short of money, people tend to compare and make choices with more consideration.' While the ruling Communist Party has paid lip service to the importance of boosting consumption for years, recent statements from top officials are growing more emphatic. Last month, China's premier, Li Qiang, said the country was 'intensifying efforts' to expand domestic demand with special initiatives. Speaking in Tianjin at the World Economic Forum, a meeting of business executives, government leaders, and experts, he pledged to make China 'a megasized consumption powerhouse on top of being a manufacturing powerhouse.' Xi Jinping, China's top leader, pledged this year to 'fully unleash' the country's consumers to counter the impact of a trade war with the United States. The current trade-in program — similar to America's 'Cash for Clunkers' initiative — started late last year. It initially applied to eight categories of home appliances and automobiles. The discounts range from 15% to 20%, with larger savings reserved for more energy-efficient products. China, which issued special Treasury bonds to fund the program, allocated twice as much money for it in 2025 and extended the products covered to include smartphones, tablets, and smartwatches. Last month, the municipal government of Chongqing, along with a few other regions, halted the subsidies. Chongqing, a city of more than 30 million people, stated that the pause was not a complete cancellation but rather a preparation for a second round of subsidies that would be available at a later date. Despite the success of the trade-in program, economists fear that its impact on consumption will be short-lived and could lead to a decline in the second half of the year and the first half of next year. Nomura, a Japanese investment bank, estimates that retail sales in the second half of 2025 will decline 0.4 percentage points from the same period last year, and by almost 1 percentage point in the first half of next year. The government is exploring alternative policy options. Starting this year, China is planning to provide annual payments of $500 per child under 3 years old to families that have children, according to Bloomberg. Zichun Huang, China economist at Capital Economics, said the cash handouts were a 'shift in mindset' and laid the groundwork for other measures to support consumption. Another factor contributing to China's high savings rates is its sparsely funded social safety net. While most Chinese citizens are enrolled in medical and pension insurance, the benefits are limited, and out-of-pocket payments are significant. Most people are not covered by unemployment or workplace injury insurance, including many of China's 200 million gig workers. Zhang Dylan, a salesperson for automobile maker BYD, said he had witnessed a modest bump in sales for cars from the trade-in program. As he sat waiting for potential customers to arrive, he noted that the demand, however, was nothing like it had been two or three years ago, when orders would roll in and there was a six-month waiting list for interested buyers. Like many Chinese consumers, Zhang said he had experienced financial strain because of the real estate downturn. He and his wife bought a home in 2019 for about $265,000. Since then, its value has fallen by nearly half. Asked why he thought Chinese consumers were not spending more, Zhang said people were being tightfisted because 'it is too difficult to make money.' Inside a mall in Tianjin, Wang Mingke, a salesperson at a store for Chinese smartphone maker Xiaomi, said the trade-in program had spurred buying of the company's smartphones. He said the store sold more than 30 smartphones a month, compared with 20 a month before the subsidies. A few months ago, in the early months of the initiative, the store sold 50 phones in a month. Wang, 35, said the subsidy gave a little push to worried consumers to spend. 'Everyone is talking about the economic downturn, and earning money is indeed more difficult,' he said. 'As your income becomes a little lower, when it comes to discretionary spending, you might just choose not to buy for now.' This article originally appeared in