Latest news with #Agenda2063
See - Sada Elbalad
10 hours ago
- Business
- See - Sada Elbalad
Egypt Secures Strategic Membership at ARSO
Taarek Refaat In a notable diplomatic achievement, Egypt has been elected to both the Board of Directors and the Standards Management Committee (SMC) of the African Organisation for Standardisation (ARSO), reinforcing its position as a regional leader in quality infrastructure and industrial development. Represented by the Egyptian Organization for Standardization and Quality (EOSQ), the country secured the prestigious seats during ARSO's 31st General Assembly, held this week with participation from 34 African nations — the largest attendance in the organization's history. The elections were fiercely contested, with only 12 countries earning seats on the Board and six selected for the influential Standards Management Committee. Egypt now joins an elite group of nations, including Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe, in shaping the continent's standardization roadmap through the SMC. Meanwhile, the Board of Directors now includes Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Zambia, and others. "This victory reflects the deep trust our African partners place in Egyptian expertise and our long-standing commitment to advancing quality systems across the continent," said Eng. Khaled Sofy, Head of EOSQ, following the announcement. Sofy credited the achievement to strategic national support, particularly from Vice Prime Minister for Industrial Development and Minister of Industry and Transport, Gen. Kamel El-Wazir, noting that 'Egypt's voice in regional and international quality platforms continues to grow stronger thanks to sustained government backing.' The General Assembly also saw several key milestones: The election of Botsile Kebapetse as ARSO's new President for the 2025–2028 term, succeeding Prof. Alex Dodoo. The admission of The Gambia as ARSO's 44th member state, signaling growing continental cohesion around unified quality standards. Egypt's new roles in ARSO are expected to enhance its influence on policy-making related to industrial standardization and technical regulations. Officials say this will play a pivotal role in accelerating intra-African trade, reducing technical barriers, and supporting the goals of Agenda 2063 — the African Union's blueprint for inclusive and sustainable development. 'Being at the heart of ARSO's leadership allows us not just to contribute but to help steer regional industrial policy in line with global standards,' Sofy emphasized. The outcome cements Egypt's reputation as a powerhouse in the standardization space, with broader implications for trade facilitation, product safety, and cross-border industrial cooperation across Africa. read more CBE: Deposits in Local Currency Hit EGP 5.25 Trillion Morocco Plans to Spend $1 Billion to Mitigate Drought Effect Gov't Approves Final Version of State Ownership Policy Document Egypt's Economy Expected to Grow 5% by the end of 2022/23- Minister Qatar Agrees to Supply Germany with LNG for 15 Years Business Oil Prices Descend amid Anticipation of Additional US Strategic Petroleum Reserves Business Suez Canal Records $704 Million, Historically Highest Monthly Revenue Business Egypt's Stock Exchange Earns EGP 4.9 Billion on Tuesday Business Wheat delivery season commences on April 15 News China Launches Largest Ever Aircraft Carrier Sports Former Al Zamalek Player Ibrahim Shika Passes away after Long Battle with Cancer Videos & Features Tragedy Overshadows MC Alger Championship Celebration: One Fan Dead, 11 Injured After Stadium Fall Lifestyle Get to Know 2025 Eid Al Adha Prayer Times in Egypt Business Fear & Greed Index Plummets to Lowest Level Ever Recorded amid Global Trade War Arts & Culture Zahi Hawass: Claims of Columns Beneath the Pyramid of Khafre Are Lies News Flights suspended at Port Sudan Airport after Drone Attacks Videos & Features Video: Trending Lifestyle TikToker Valeria Márquez Shot Dead during Live Stream News Shell Unveils Cost-Cutting, LNG Growth Plan Technology 50-Year Soviet Spacecraft 'Kosmos 482' Crashes into Indian Ocean
Daily Maverick
15 hours ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
Five benefits Africa's new space agency can deliver
Africa's new space agency has an important role to play in coordinating satellite data and boosting connectivity. The African Space Agency was officially inaugurated in Cairo's Space City in April 2025. The event marked a milestone in a process that had been in the works since the early 2000s. Drawing inspiration from the European Space Agency, it unites African Union (AU) member states to harness space technology for development. This is in line with the AU's Agenda 2063, aimed at advancing Africa into a prosperous future. The agency's goal is to: coordinate and implement Africa's space ambitions by promoting collaboration among the AU's 55 member states harness space technologies for sustainable development, climate resilience and socio-economic growth oversee the African Space Policy and Strategy to enhance access to space-derived data foster partnerships with international space agencies like the European Space Agency and others Over 20 African countries operate space programmes and more than 65 African satellites have been launched. It is my view as a global space diplomacy expert that the agency can help ensure that Africa isn't a bystander in the space economy. This sector is projected to be worth US$1.8 trillion by 2035. The space agency positions Africa to address pressing challenges and take advantage of opportunities in the global space economy. These include using satellite data, boosting connectivity, driving economic growth, fostering global partnerships and training future leaders. Five benefits Valuable eyes in the sky Space assets, particularly Earth observation satellites, offer a number of advantages. The continent faces significant climate risks like droughts, fires and floods. This is particularly problematic as the agricultural sector is approximately 35% of Africa's GDP and employs about half of its people across over 1 billion hectares of arable land. Satellite data optimises crop yields, supports climate-resilient farming, and enhances sustainable fisheries and port modernisation. Nigeria's National Space Research and Deveopment Agency, for example, has used satellites like the NigSat-2 to monitor crop health and predict yields. Beyond agriculture, satellites assist in project planning in cities across Africa. Kenya uses a satellite to track urban development trends and enhance municipal urban planning capacities. Satellites also keep an eye on Africa's resource-abundant territories while tackling problems like armed conflict, deforestation, and illegal migration and mining. The African Space Agency will help provide access to AI-enhanced satellite data. This will enable even nations with constrained resources to tackle local needs. For instance, Côte d'Ivoire's first locally made satellite, launched in 2024, shows how African nations are building their own capabilities. By making it easier to share data, the African Space Agency also positions the continent to generate revenue in the global space data market. That fuels innovation. Enhancing connectivity and enabling cutting-edge technology Africa's digital divide is stark. Only 38% of its population was online in 2024, compared to the global average of 68%. The African Space Agency aims to bridge this gap through satellite-based communications. This technology can deliver broadband to remote regions where cell towers and undersea cables are impractical. Connectivity enables education, e-commerce and telemedicine. Satellite services, like those provided by SpaceX's Starlink in 21 African countries, will drive digital inclusion. In turn this promises to reduce unemployment and help entrepreneurs. The African Space Agency is also positioning Africa to embrace new space technologies. Examples include Japan's 2025 demonstration of beaming solar power from space, following a US achievement in 2023. This could revolutionise energy access. Space-based solar power captures solar energy in orbit via satellite and transmits it as microwaves to Earth. This offers a solution to Africa's energy poverty. It could provide reliable power to remote areas without extensive grid infrastructure. The African Space Agency's role in coordinating satellite launches and data sharing will make these technologies more accessible and cost-effective. Driving economic growth and innovation Africa's space sector, now worth over US$20 billion, is growing rapidly. The industry has seen an increase of private companies and investor support, moving beyond sole dependence on government funding. Investment is being fuelled by 327 NewSpace firms, a term used for the new emerging commercial space industry in nations such as Egypt, Nigeria, and South Africa. These firms often excel in satellite communication, Earth observation and component manufacturing. But many African nations lack resources. The agency will lower barriers by fostering collaboration, coordinating national space programmes, and reducing example, the African Space Agency's efforts to streamline satellite development and launches will spur local manufacturing and tech hubs. This means that smaller economies will be able to participate. Strengthening regional and global connections Africa's space sector relies on partnerships with space agencies and commercial space companies based in the 'space powers'. These include the US, Russia, China, France, India, Italy, Japan, Israel and the United Arab Emirates. These institutions provide launch services, satellite development and ground stations. An example is Senegal's GaindeSAT-1A, a CubeSat launched in 2024 via America's SpaceX with French collaboration. Meanwhile, countries like South Africa are exploring local rocket programmes to enhance the agency's self-reliance. Africa's space ground stations are already located across the continent, supporting the European Space Agency and commercial missions. They will soon host a deep space ground station for America's National Aeronautics and Space Administration. Funding remains a challenge. African nations allocated just US$426 million to space programmes in 2025. That's less than 1% of global spending. The European Space Agency has an US$8 billion budget. However, initiatives like the €100 million Africa-EU Space Partnership Programme (2025–2028) aim to boost Africa's space sovereignty and innovation. The agency's vision extends beyond Earth, with an eye on the Moon. Some members, notably Angola, Nigeria and Rwanda, have already signed the US-led Artemis Accords for lunar exploration. For their part Egypt and South Africa are collaborating with China and Russia on the International Lunar Research Station. Training the next generation A skilled workforce is critical to Africa's space industry. The African Space Agency Space City plans to host a training academy. It will build on Egypt's programmes in space project management, satellite design, and orbital simulation. Partnerships like the Africa-EU programme offer scholarships, while private initiatives, such as the Pathways to Space programme by Boeing and the Future African Space Explorers STEM Academy, engage students in 63 schools in Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Tanzania. DM
IOL News
3 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
Why the Gini coefficient remains crucial for understanding inequality
The Gini coefficient is not the full story of inequality in South Africa, but it remains an important chapter. Image: Ron AI THE rubric of robust statistical measures is essential for evaluating policies and plans within the context of democratic governance. A RECENT Sunday Independent article questions the relevance of the Gini coefficient as a measure of inequality in South Africa, describing it as outdated, narrow, and even politically manipulative. It argues that the Gini fails to account for social grants, informal economies, and the growing black middle class, concluding that we must retire it and replace it with a new, locally informed metric. The critique is welcome and necessary. As Statistician-General, I support public scrutiny of the tools we use to measure our society. But I caution against discarding useful instruments because they are imperfect. The Gini coefficient is not the full story of inequality in South Africa, but it remains an important chapter. Developed in the early 20th century, the Gini coefficient is a single statistic that indicates how evenly (or unevenly) income or wealth is distributed. It is widely used by national and international bodies, especially in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 10, which focuses on reducing inequalities. This commitment is reflected in Agenda 2063, the African Union's (AU's) socio-economic transformation plan. It is embedded in South Africa's National Development Plan (NDP), which aims to reduce our Gini from 0.69 to 0.60 by 2030. The article makes a valid point: inequality is complex, and no single measure can capture it all. The Gini does not reflect the value of the 'social wage' — free education, healthcare, grants, housing subsidies — and may undercount informal economic activity. But it is not meant to measure everything. It is one tool among many, and it tells us something important: South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies in the world, even if we have made real progress in reducing poverty. As a statistician, I use it as part of my statistical toolkit. Statistical measures are essential for data analysis and informed decision-making, revealing patterns and trends. In his 2005 paper, Aziz Othman emphasises that effective policies rely on quality data. There is a growing shift among governments and organisations from opinion-based to evidence-based policy, underscoring the need for credible statistical analysis in policy formulation. National statistical agencies in the United Kingdom and Australia also produce Gini coefficient statistics relevant to their contexts. This highlights the importance of continuous monitoring of income inequality and the integration of statistical methods into policymaking, as discussed in Othman's paper. With more than 30 years of experience in producing official statistics at both national and continental levels, I have come to understand that poverty and inequality are complex issues that span social, economic, and political dimensions. This complexity shows that a single measure cannot fully capture these challenges. Thus, using various statistical methods is essential. Statistics SA (Stats SA) employs three main approaches to assess poverty: traditional money-metric measures based on national poverty lines, multidimensional methods like the SA Multidimensional Poverty Index (Sampi) and Child Multiple Overlapping Deprivation Analysis (Moda), along with subjective assessments that reflect personal views of poverty. Similarly, in analysing inequality, the Gini coefficient is but one of several metrics used by Stats SA to quantify economic disparities. Additional indicators include inequality experts Henri Theil's indices, Anthony Atkinson's indices, and Alex Sumner's Palma ratio. Each of these measures possesses distinct strengths and weaknesses, yet all are widely recognised and used by National Statistical Offices (NSOs) and scholars globally to elucidate the structure and magnitude of inequality within a nation. It is important to note that the Gini coefficient facilitates understanding income and expenditure distributions across households rather than functioning as an all-encompassing indicator of inequality, contrary to what the article may imply. Furthermore, additional measures based on asset data, service delivery data, and labour market information produced by Stats SA are also useful for understanding the broader issue of inequality beyond economic indicators such as the Gini coefficient. The simplest approach to measuring income inequality involves segmenting the population or households into quintiles, ranging from the poorest to the richest, and analysing the distribution of income or expenditure across these segments. Recent Income and Expenditure Survey (IES) results indicate that about 75% of white-headed households are within the upper income quintile. Conversely, nearly half (45.1%) of black African-headed households fall within the lowest two quintiles in terms of income. Similar trends are observed in expenditure, where about 45.3% of black African-headed households are also categorised within the bottom two expenditure quintiles. This data underscores the significant disparities in economic status between these demographic groups. The findings illustrate a significant disparity in income and expenditure per capita, clearly highlighting the entrenched income inequality in South Africa, particularly affecting black African-headed households. Notably, nearly 57% of households within the lowest income quintile are female-headed. However, this proportion diminishes across the quintiles, with 49.5% of the second quintile, 42.9% in the third, 34.5% in the fourth, and only 33.5% in the upper quintile. This decreasing representation of female-headed households in higher quintiles underscores the persistent issue of gender inequality within the socio-economic landscape. South Africa has extensive survey data on individual and household welfare from Stats SA, which offers various indicators of poverty and inequality.
Morocco World
3 days ago
- Business
- Morocco World
CNDH President Calls for Human-Centered Economy at Arab-African Forum on Business and Human Rights
Gummersbach – Amina Bouayach, President of Morocco's National Human Rights Council (CNDH), issued today at the Arab-African Forum on Business and Human Rights, that economic development must serve human dignity, not undermine it. Standing before policymakers, civil society leaders, and international delegates in Marrakech, Bouayach noted that the link between business and human rights is no longer a theoretical issue. 'This is not just an academic or institutional conversation,' she said. 'It is a strategic and moral imperative, one that directly affects justice, peace, and the future of our societies.' The forum brought together representatives from across Africa and the Arab world to discuss how regional economies can grow while respecting universal human rights. Bouayach described the gathering as a chance to build a shared vision that aligns the United Nations' 2030 Sustainable Development Goals with the African Union's Agenda 2063. Fourteen years after the adoption of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, Bouayach reflected on their continued relevance, but also on the deep challenges that remain. Recent years, she warned, have laid bare the grim reality that the environment is deteriorating at an alarming rate, forced displacement continues to rise, inequality is widening, and the most vulnerable are growing more fragile. She spoke with particular concern about the persistence of child labor, noting that 72 million children in Africa are still working instead of learning. 'This is not only a failure of economic systems,' she lamented. 'It is a failure of conscience.' Such numbers point to a larger issue, the lack of adequate protection for economic and social rights in too many countries. A commitment to dignity, equity and sustainability Turning to Morocco, Bouayach acknowledged the country's ongoing economic expansion but cautioned that growth alone is not enough. Development, she said, must include the rights and well-being of workers, communities, and the environment. 'We must ensure that infrastructure projects, major investments, and supply chains reflect a commitment to dignity, equity, and sustainability.' She also underlined the urgent need for legislative reform. National laws that govern labor relations and investment must be updated to align with international standards for decent work and responsible enterprise. Implementing human rights due diligence , as required by global frameworks, remains a major challenge. Bouayach called for integrating human rights into international investment frameworks, making environmental justice a top economic priority, and ensuring that development strategies reflect human rights obligations. She also pointed to the importance of including marginalized groups in decision-making and urged renewed momentum behind the adoption of the long-awaited international convention on the right to development. Under her leadership, the CNDH is already working on several fronts. The council monitors complaints related to environmental and social impacts of economic activity and plays a role in shaping national strategies, including Morocco's preparation for co-hosting the 2030 FIFA World Cup. It is also working to ensure that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) incorporates a human rights approach, while continuing to engage with the UN system and address emerging challenges like the impact of artificial intelligence on labor and rights. Bouayach concluded her remarks with a reminder of the enormous potential within the Arab and African regions. Tags: Amina BouayachCNDHeconomyhuman rights
IOL News
6 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Peace Fund and the Quest for Peace and Security in Africa
In 1993, the Peace Fund has remained dormant due to African leaders' lack of commitment and political will to act on their resolution and financially support the AU. Image: Pixabay In June, thirty-two years ago, in its quest to ensure and implement African-led peace and security initiatives, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which preceded the African Union (AU), resolved to establish a Peace Fund. This was seen as a strategic and vital financial instrument for achieving home-grown peace and security in Africa. However, since its establishment in 1993, the Peace Fund has remained dormant due to African leaders' lack of commitment and political will to act on their resolution and financially support the AU. The fund was revitalised in 2016 and officially adopted by the AU in 2018 after 25 years of dormancy. The revitalisation happened after the African heads of state resolved in Kigali, the capital city of Rwanda, that Africa, more than ever before, needs financial autonomy and ownership of its peace and security initiatives to practically implement the fourth aspiration of the AU Agenda 2063 of building a peaceful and secure Africa through the critical step of silencing the guns by 2020. Unfortunately, this target has not been met to date. The resolution further indicated that the peace fund, as one of the pillars of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), must encompass critical areas of stabilisation, including preventive diplomacy, mediation, institutional capacity building, and peace support operations (PSO), while also financing the preparedness of other APSA structures. The AU urges its member states, individuals, and the private sector to contribute to the peace fund. Following the restructuring and adoption of the funding model for the peace fund, the secretariat launched an intensive and extensive resource mobilisation strategy aimed at raising at least US$400 million by 2021. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading This target was only achieved in June 2025. However, research by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) reveals that before 2024, of the US$392 million mobilised for the peace fund, AU member states contributed 98% of the budget, while US$6 million (2%) came from individuals and the private sector. Towards the end of 2024, however, contributions from member states decreased by 34%, while private donations rose from 2% to 36%. Despite all these interventions and resource mobilisation efforts, Max Boqwana (October 2024) argues that Africa still accounts for 70% of global conflicts. And, almost eight years after revitalising the peace fund, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation convened the inaugural African Peace and Security Dialogue from 4 to 6 October 2024. The dialogue critically analysed, discussed, and provided insights into the root causes of prolonged violent conflict in Africa, focusing particularly on two regions: West Africa and the Horn of Africa. Many panellists and participants expressed concerns about the lack of strong leadership and political will to mobilise domestic resources for financing peace and security initiatives. Some argue that Africa is home to the most critical minerals, which should be harnessed and utilised for the continent's development. The ongoing protracted violent conflict and civil wars in Africa necessitate a thorough analysis of the effectiveness of the peace fund, more so since there is a narrative that the financial contribution of the member states towards the fund continues to face a spiral decline. It is essential to highlight that over two weeks ago, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation held its annual governance symposium in Marrakech, Morocco, where Ibrahim raised a serious concern regarding the fact that 70% of the AU's annual budget comes from Europeans under the pretext of 'development partners'. Africa's dependency syndrome continues to undermine its agenda of achieving socio-economic and political self-reliance in pursuing development and home-grown peace and security initiatives. At the next summit in February 2026, I still contend that the AU needs to discuss and develop a criterion for selecting the so-called 'development partners', as even parasitic partners are masquerading as genuine partners of Africa. It can be posited that if this partnership and resource mobilisation issue is not effectively addressed, it will continue to obfuscate and derail the intended purpose of the peace fund. Asuquo (2025) argues that one of the reasons African States fail to fund the AU's peace fund sufficiently is 'a (created) culture of external mediation: Post-independence, African nations have routinely turned to external actors like the UN, World Bank, and Western powers for arbitration and funding, setting a precedent that weakens pan-African accountability'. It is time for the AU to develop its African-led conflict resolution, mediation and peacebuilding. Critically, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda have been locked in a prolonged diplomatic crisis, leading Kinshasa (DRC) to seek sanctions from France against Kigali (Rwanda). This shows that some African leaders still perceive European nations as having the most effective solutions to African problems; this belief persists despite the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) attempting to de-escalate tensions in the Eastern DRC. However, the reality is that there was inadequate coordination among mediators, compounded by insufficient financial support. Evidence shows that only US$5 million was allocated from the peace fund for the conflict in Eastern DRC. The budget proved inadequate to the point that the PSC utilised its annual council-to-council meeting with the European Union to request additional funding for mediation. The AU has also urged its member states to contribute their dues to the peace fund. A crucial question must be addressed: who and how has the peace fund been financially managed since its revitalisation? For instance, two weeks ago, the AU advertised positions for an independent fund manager and the hiring of a custodian bank for the AU peace fund. It is concerning that the post-criteria are not clearly stated within the context of the peace fund's objectives, which may further undermine the AU's financial autonomy and ownership of its peace and security architecture. Regarding the conflict between Kinshasa and Kigali, it is evident that there has been no adequate preventative diplomacy, PSO, and well-coordinated mediation, as these essential interventions fall within the mandate of the peace fund as stated in Article 21 of the PSC protocol. In South Sudan, Africa's newest state, which has experienced violent conflict since it seceded from northern Sudan in 2011, effective interventions through the peace fund have yet to be effectively implemented. As a result, South Sudanese established a non-governmental organisation (NGO) called the Peace Canal in 2019 and adopted a fundraising strategy, 'Peace Opportunity Fund,' to finance locally led peacebuilding initiatives in South Sudan. Seventeen advisors from four major ethnic groups lead the NGO; unfortunately, this initiative has attracted donors from beyond the continent, and some have undermined the noble intention of inclusive peacebuilding, particularly the integration of indigenous peacebuilding methods and strategies into the broader post-conflict reconstruction and development. This is a great initiative that AU was supposed to effectively support through the peace fund in a quest to realise its strategic objective of African-led peace and security initiatives. On the other hand, two weeks ago, Naomi Kilungu, an armed conflict expert in Africa, predicted that 'Africa will have spent over US$ 300 billion by the end of this year (2025) on armed conflicts'. However, because AU has only managed to secure US$400 million for the peace fund, there will be a shortfall of at least US$ 299.6 billion. If the shortfall cannot be mobilised domestically, the so-called 'development partners' would take over and continue their nefarious agenda in Africa. Indeed, Africa needs the emergence of Pan-African thought leaders who will act locally and think globally with unflinching love for the people of this continent. Leaders who will genuinely end parasitic partnerships and colonialism in its forms and content. Orapeleng Matshediso is a Masters graduate of Pan African Development Studies and Research Associate at the University of Johannesburg (Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation). The author is also an alumnus of the then Thabo Mbeki African Leadership Institute (TMALI). Orapeleng Matshediso is a Masters graduate of Pan African Development Studies and Research Associate at the University of Johannesburg (Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation). Image: Supplied.
