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Politico
06-07-2025
- Business
- Politico
How Trump's Economic Policies Undercut His Promises to the Rust Belt
My hometown of Flint is perhaps exactly the kind of city President Donald Trump had in mind when he famously railed against 'American carnage' in his 2017 inauguration speech and made clear that his approach to domestic policy and geopolitics would be unlike any president before him. After all, Trump was speaking to the damage done to once-proud manufacturing hubs due to forces like globalization — a frequent target of Trump and today's political right. Flint appears to be the kind of city that Trump believes his agenda, particularly the sweeping tariffs he is imposing, will revitalize. But regardless of how his often-haphazard trade policy unfolds, the Trump administration is making other moves that are already having the opposite effect in Flint: 11 years after the city's water famously became toxic, the administration is lifting water and environmental quality controls, canceling research to monitor residents' health and upending early education programs. The net result is that Trumponomics will actually impede the critical revitalization efforts that are needed in the Rust Belt. In addition to tariffs, Trump's economic proposals focus on steep de-regulation and tax incentives for corporations. They're designed to promote economic growth with little attention to the culture and health of people in the communities they affect. This means that the administration's policies inevitably come at the expense of critical environmental protections and public health measures that are already greatly imperiled in the many low-income communities like Flint that dot the a public health researcher as well as someone born and raised in the city, I can already see this happening. But generally speaking, there should always be concern when the value and strength of a community is perceived solely in terms of its economic output, rather than the quality of life of its people. Just five months into Trump 2.0, Flint is already an emblem of what's going wrong with the new administration's plans for post-industrial cities like mine. Policies designed to stimulate economic growth will fail to revitalize cities like Flint unless they are accompanied by efforts to repair the social and environmental damage that previous failed policies left behind. It's also an object lesson in how reflexive austerity is nearly always bad for public was the birthplace of General Motors and an essential part of Franklin D. Roosevelt's 'Arsenal of Democracy' against the Axis powers in World War II. A generation ago, it sat atop the automobile industry as a predominantly white city with a booming middle class. However, over time, consumers began to seek out vehicles from foreign competitors like Honda and Toyota that were not only more reliable and more fuel efficient, but also cheaper. Simultaneously, NAFTA, and the precursors to it, paved the way for American automakers to more rapidly move production to other countries to take advantage of lower labor costs. The result in Flint and cities like it was a rapid process of deindustrialization, and many of the socioeconomic ills that come with that — white flight, unemployment, crime, distressed natural environments and diminished public health. In 2014, what became known as the Flint Water Crisis marked the nadir of that decline and brought the impact of the collapse of the country's manufacturing industry, and potential consequences, into clear focus. In fact, being known as the city with the nation's worst tap water was a potentially modest upgrade from Flint's prior reputation as one of America's murder capitals. In the last few years, however, Flint has largely avoided the national headlines, at least since a $626 million in civic settlement funds were approved in 2021 to make amends for the massive manmade environmental disaster. (To date, none of those funds have been paid out to residents.)In important ways, the water crisis had its roots in the kind of cost-cutting policy approaches that Trump favors. In 2014, officials in Flint made the fateful decision to switch the city's primary water source from Lake Huron, one of the Great Lakes, to the Flint River. At the time, the city was under the de facto leadership of Darnell Earley, an 'emergency manager' who had been appointed by the state's Republican governor, Rick Snyder. The decision from Earley, an unelected bureaucrat, was part of a broad set of austerity measures curated by the state's Republican leadership to address the city's chronic budget shortfalls. The city's engineering plan to reroute its water supply went through a porous, truncated assessment, little public debate, and relied on a workforce weakened by parallel environmental programming cuts across the city and state. Within days, residents began raising concerns — the tap water was pungent, murky and had an unsavory taste. Local public works officials largely ignored or downplayed the worries, telling residents that the water source switch would simply have some innocuous growing pains. And then residents began reporting that the water appeared to be giving them skin rashes and causing hair loss. Even leaders at General Motors chimed in, eventually telling the state that it was shutting off the new water at one of its factories due to the water corroding its manufacturing materials. Seeking to avoid upsetting by far the city's largest employer, the state soon switched the automaker's factory back to the city's original water source. But it didn't change it back for residents. It wasn't until nearly two years later that the true scope of the crisis was evident. The flashpoint was a local pediatrician reporting an abnormal spike in lead levels in the blood of the city's children. What followed was a flurry of media attention, a begrudging statement of acknowledgment from the state on the burgeoning crisis, and President Barack Obama declaring a state of emergency in Flint. Since then, an unusually seamless level of coordination between federal, state and local officials and private philanthropy has resulted in hundreds of millions of dollars being funneled to Flint for causes ranging from water infrastructure upgrades to early education programming. Over the last four years, lead levels in Flint's water have consistently tested within scientifically acceptable ranges. And highly innovative, progressive programs like the RxKids program, which provides direct cash assistance to pregnant women and new mothers in Flint, were launched in direct response to the crisis. However, those positive developments belie the scale of destruction that the water crisis has otherwise wrought, destruction that's about to get worse if the Trump administration follows through on its this week, Michigan officials announced the completion of a gargantuan, oft-delayed effort to replace Flint's lead pipes — more than 11 years after the crisis began. In the interim, Flint's suffering continued. The city shed roughly a fifth of its population, about 20,000 residents, along with a substantial chunk of its already shrinking and low-wage-earning tax base. These startling changes in density directly impact the ability of the city to adequately support its remaining population; the city now lacks the resources it needs to tend to its infrastructure, public health and education systems. Researchers like me have been laser-focused on the potential consequences of elevated exposure to lead on Flint residents, particularly children and pregnant women in the city who would be uniquely vulnerable. In the environmental sciences, lead looms large as an invisible, odorless and tasteless neurotoxin that is deeply associated with conditions like cognitive delays, physical impairment, autism and ADHD. For these reasons, as well as its incurability, scientists increasingly regard lead asa key force in social and economic inequality. In research from my team that was conducted in 2019, five years after the crisis started, Flint residents reported a significant uptick in neurological and developmental issues among their adolescent children. Another group of researchers found that fertility rates in Flint dipped by 12 percent and that overall health at birth decreased. And roughly 29 percent of Flint adultsthat we surveyed showed heightened signs of posttraumatic stress disorder in relationship to the water crisis. These are just a few of the harrowing results of studies conducted in Flint in the aftermath of one of the nation's most tragic — and preventable — environmental these kinds of social, economic and environmental inequities are exactly what the Trump administration doesn't want to address, or that they believe will magically disappear when manufacturing makes its triumphant return — making the forecast for recovery for Flint and its residents much more concerning. Some of the negative consequences are already showing up. In March, the Environmental Protection Agency highlighted plans to roll back protections under the Clean Water Act that set pollution limits and aid monitoring efforts. Inexplicably, the EPA is currently in the midst of its third extension to decide if it'll support the lead and copper regulations that were strengthened by the Biden administration in response to lessons learned from Flint's water crisis. And with Trump's new prohibitions now in place on the funding of research and programs addressing environmental injustice — of which the water crisis in Flint is emblematic — dozens of previously awarded grants to Flint researchers and community groups are susceptible to truncation or complete defunding. In March, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy indicated that the Department of Transportation would be eliminating a Biden-era request for state agencies to consider social justice and environmental concerns in infrastructure project decisions, making communities like Flint deeply vulnerable — again — to both manmade and natural environmental impacts also extend to Flint's public education system, which is currently poised to lose roughly $15.6 million in federal funding due to the Department of Education's recent decision to cancel Covid relief funds that were previously set to expire in 2026. Along with Trump's proposed elimination of the Department of Education, which is vital for providing guidance and support on programming for children with disabilities (including those caused by lead exposure), cuts of this nature are poised to deal another blow to early education support in Flint as the volume of children needing it likely significantly increases. In 2018, officials launched the Flint Registry, a tool that not only aids Flint residents in finding health services and programs, but also serves as a crucial data repository for tracking health outcomes in the city, enabling researchers and practitioners to better understand the consequences of the crisis and improve their response to it. The registry, whose vital work has stalled due to Trump's orders, was funded by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The Trump administration plans to cleave the CDC's workforce by roughly 18 percent, including ing some 2,400 employees who focused on environmental monitoring as well as grant administration and support. It's unclear whether somewhere in the hazy future, Trump's gambles with tariffs will restore manufacturing in places like Flint. While campaigning in 2016, Trump, who visited Flint twice during his initial presidential run and once during his latest run, once observed, 'It used to be, cars were made in Flint and you couldn't drink the water in Mexico. Now, the cars are made in Mexico and you can't drink the water in Flint.' His quip wasn't far off, but a larger point was missed. Tariffs might restart some level of domestic manufacturing, but without deeper investment in our social and public health infrastructure, cities like Flint won't recover and will remain unable to offer its residents either manufacturing jobs or clean water — or much else.
Yahoo
05-06-2025
- Automotive
- Yahoo
Chrysler celebrates 100 years with its coolest cars, while execs anticipate brand's future
Happy birthday, Chrysler! On Wednesday, June 4, the automaker celebrated 100 years in the car business. In those years, Chrysler was one of the brands to power Detroit through the auto industry's heyday. Along the way, it engineered hundreds of vehicles, ranging from wacky concept cars to the family focused Pacifica minivan. Chrysler brought 21 of the coolest and wackiest of its vehicles to Belle Isle for members of the news media to test-drive around the island. Among them was a 1926 B70 prototype, driven way back then by Chrysler's founder, Walter P. Chrysler, himself. Several iterations of the popular 300 sedan — originally pitched as a muscle car for bankers — looped around Belle Isle. Two wood-plated cars — a LeBaron and a 1948 Town & Country -- were on scene, and the star of the show was one of the nine remaining Chrysler Turbine Cars: a sleek, space-age two-door car with a jet engine under the hood. The Turbine Car runs on gasoline, vodka, perfume or anything else that burns. For this event, Chrysler historians ran the vehicle on kerosene. The Turbine Car was smooth and powerful, and it sounded like taxiing in an airplane while driving. The rotund 1996 Town & Country, too, was a surprisingly pleasant drive. The 1934 Airflow Sedan, though, had an inconvenient turn radius and a massive steering wheel, but any sweat broken while wrestling a turn was cooled off by a breeze through the windshield, which flipped open like any other window on the car. Speeding: Everyone speeds on Detroit's Lodge Freeway. But there's a reason for the 55-mph limit. Brandt Rosenbusch, Stellantis' manager of historical services, said hauling all of Chrysler's most notable vehicles out to Belle Isle wasn't easy. Most of them don't ever drive on public roads, he said. "You can see how beautiful these cars are, so we make a rule not to drive them on public roads," Rosenbusch said, noting that Chrysler's anniversary was a rare and meaningful exception to the rule. Chrysler runs in Rosenbusch's blood. His grandfather worked at the Chrysler tank plant during Detroit's time as the Arsenal of Democracy. Rosenbusch's fatherinterned with Chrysler's design studios and worked in public relations for the company for several decades. A year after his dad retired, Rosenbusch carried the torch and took a job with the automaker in 1990. "My whole life has been Chrysler," he said. The celebration of the brand's 100 years raised questions about what the next 100 years might look like for an automaker that has been in flux since filing for bankruptcy in 2009. After a series of mergers and product line shrinkages, Chrysler currently offers one vehicle in the Pacifica. An article by Free Press auto critic Mark Phelan recently suggested the next Stellantis CEO consider ending Chrysler, adding to the din of others who scoff at an automaker that offers only minivans. Chrysler's future: Chrysler CEO discusses future of brand as it approaches 100th birthday Chris Feuell, the CEO of Chrysler, said the brand isn't going anywhere. The Pacifica is due for a revamp, she said, and for the first time in a decade, there is a new Chrysler vehicle coming. "In 2027, we will launch our first new product in more than 10 years, and that will be a desized crossover," Feuell said. Feuell doubled down on what she has previously told the Free Press, saying that the new Stellantis CEO, Antonio Filosa, is committed to keeping the Chrysler name in the international company's vast profile. "I am so thrilled to have Antonio Filosa at the helm now, leading the company," Feuell said. "He is a true fan of Chrysler and is 100% behind supporting continued investment." For the historian Rosenbusch, continuing the legacy of Chrysler is more than sentimentality — it's about preserving what makes Detroit great. "Every company is international now, but our heart and soul is really here," Rosenbusch said while flanked by a century's worth of Chrysler vehicles. "Detroit is Chrysler, and Chrysler is a part of Detroit." Liam Rappleye covers Stellantis and the UAW at the Detroit Free Press. Contact him: LRappleye@ This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Chrysler celebrates 100 years of history, while looking to the future Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data
USA Today
06-05-2025
- Automotive
- USA Today
UAW claims US automakers can build millions more vehicles — experts disagree
UAW claims US automakers can build millions more vehicles — experts disagree Show Caption Hide Caption UAW president Shawn Fain supports Trump's auto tariffs The president of the United Auto Workers union is praising President Trump's tariffs on foreign-made vehicles, but says it can't stop there. Straight Arrow News The UAW says underutilization of auto plants is no accident and is calling on automakers to build more vehicles in the United States. Automation is one reason for today's auto manufacturing employment numbers, one expert notes. The UAW wants more vehicles to be built in the United States, and the union says the country's underutilized auto plants offer tremendous potential to boost employment numbers. Reaching full existing capacity 'could create up to 90,000 new manufacturing jobs, not to mention 630,000 more in the rest of the U.S. economy,' according to the union. The union assertions coincide with UAW President Shawn Fain's embrace of President Donald Trump's auto tariffs, although tariffs aren't cited in the union's white paper, 'Unlocking the Potential of U.S. Auto Manufacturing Capacity,' issued in April. The report, which got a mixed reaction from several industry watchers, also doesn't appear to reference auto parts manufacturing, a major piece of the auto sector. The paper says 16 Ford Motor Co., General Motors, Stellantis and Volkswagen plants, including what was once GM Lordstown in Ohio, have capacity to spare, and it argues automakers have the infrastructure to produce millions more vehicles. "In 2024, the U.S. auto industry had the capacity to build more than 14.7 million vehicles. However, only 10.2 million vehicles were produced, leaving 4.5 million units of unused capacity," according to the white paper. The report calls out this underutilization as not accidental but rather 'the result of a deliberate strategy that puts offshoring, stock buybacks and short-term profits ahead of investment in union jobs, strong communities and long-term stability.' In case you missed it: UAW members could see $3,780 profit-sharing checks, a big drop from 2024 The message is straightforward, urging the industry to 'step up' as it did during World War II's 'Arsenal of Democracy' and during the COVID-19 pandemic with the production of medical equipment. The UAW even planned rallies in Trenton and Warren, on May 5 and 6, respectively, to call on Stellantis, owner of Jeep, Ram, Chrysler, Dodge and Fiat, to 'fully utilize the excess capacity at its American plants.' Fain, in a news release, said 'we don't need to break ground on a single new plant to rapidly grow auto manufacturing capacity — it's already right in front of us, in the plants we've built, the skills of our members and the communities that depend on these jobs. Instead of offshoring jobs to low-wage, high-exploitation countries, auto companies must invest here at home and rebuild the middle class with union labor.' The Free Press asked several auto industry watchers to weigh in on the union's white paper. Harley Shaiken, labor expert and professor emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley: 'The UAW paper makes an important point that 'The American auto industry has a proud legacy of rising to national challenges.' … "I would add to that 'The Treaty of Detroit' that Walter Reuther and GM signed after World War II laid the basis for another critical achievement to come out of Detroit a vast expansion of the middle class, perhaps the most important model that was produced. "That said, the paper is incomplete in the present form. It doesn't mention what kind of vehicles that will be produced: ICE (gas-powered) or EVs (electric vehicles). Last year about half of all production in China was EV or hybrid. We are managing to damage the environment further at a critical moment and fall behind competitively both at the same time. "As a result of not mentioning EVs, the paper just talks about unused production 'space.' Billions of new tooling will be required and a transition could take two to five years. It's not as simple as ripping up machines and moving them north or south. And what about USMCA? The (United States-Mexico-Canada trade) agreement will be up for review in 2026 and much criticism is appropriate, but simply dumping it rather than extensively revising it could create havoc in Mexico and Canada, two of our closest allies. "The unprecedented turmoil in the administration's tariff policies gives 'chaos' a bad name. What is introduced at 9 a.m. on any given day could be dumped or significantly revised at noon. There is clearly little manufacturing expertise in the administration and it's damaging to the companies and to UAW workers. 'Solidarity forever' should not simply stop at the border to have successful economies that benefit workers across North America." Marick Masters, labor expert and professor emeritus at Wayne State University: "I have read the paper, and it presents data to bolster the UAW's argument that there is much unfilled capacity in the U.S. auto vehicle manufacturing sector (which I read to be auto assembly per se) that could be employed to offset the tariffs on vehicles, which is the intended effect of Trump's 25% general tariff on auto vehicles. I do not have any basis for disputing their calculations on untapped capacity. "Data on unused capacity from government sources show potential for growth in capacity utilization. They are using a straightforward calculation from Federal Reserve data on the expected employment gains if this were done by the Big Three, plus. "But that does not mean there is demand for the products that existing facilities are set up to assemble. The production footprint and supply chains in (North America) are intricately linked connecting parts and assembly for certain brands of vehicles. In addition, the companies are in a state of transition from ICE to EV, which means that some of their U.S. capacity may not be suited for use under this transition. "There is lot more that needs to be done to reindustrialize the U.S., which is arguably a worthy objective. Several major things come to mind immediately. Perhaps the most important would be to reduce the regulatory burden on manufacturing, increase energy capacity and reduce costs in this area, and reduce the tax burden on businesses, including general tax rates and expensing of depreciation and capital investments. Auto tariff shake-up: Economists estimate new tariff costs to range between $2,000 to $12,000 per vehicle "I think a large part of the Trump policy regarding auto tariffs is aimed directly at China, the world's leading automaker and EV producer. It subsidizes auto production, does not have the same regulatory burdens as operating in the U.S., and substantially lower labor costs than the U.S." Sam Fiorani, vice president of global vehicle forecasting at AutoForecast Solutions "Comparing capacity of plants making ICE vehicles with the upgraded plants making EVs is not an apples-to-apples comparison. Many of these plants, such as Orion, Factory Zero and Spring Hill are attempting to ramp up for an electric future. To make EVs most efficiently, the assembly lines cannot easily switch between traditional cars and trucks and modern EVs. Failing to express this reduces the importance of comparing factory output 10 years apart. "Just because the capacity is there doesn't mean (it) could be filled. Unless UAW workers were willing to take a pay cut or increase the automation in these factories, U.S. buyers will not have the choice of entry-level models that are currently imported. "Much of the current level of employment in the industry is due to the increased automation, a point that the UAW doesn't want to acknowledge. It takes fewer people to make a vehicle today. Increased automation could open plants to more production, especially of the lower-priced models the market needs, but that would be counter to the UAW's drive for more members. "Ignoring the benefits of the USMCA reduces the competitive nature of the U.S. by closing doors for exports and raising the prices of vehicles and components for American buyers." Contact Eric D. Lawrence: elawrence@ Become a subscriber. Submit a letter to the editor at
South China Morning Post
12-04-2025
- Business
- South China Morning Post
US weapons to Taiwan at risk from weak supply chains but Ukraine ‘not to blame'
US support for Ukraine has not slowed the provision of American weapons to Taiwan or Israel , but there are supply chain problems that need 'prudent reforms and substantial new investments', according to a Washington-based think tank. Advertisement 'Arsenal of Democracy: Arming Taiwan, Ukraine and Israel While Strengthening the US Industrial Base', published this month by the Foundation for Defence of Democracies, tracked the production capacity and delivery timelines of 25 items. All of the items studied were provided to Taiwan and Ukraine, while 12 were also ordered by Israel. Only seven had a strong defence industrial base in the United States, while supply chains for the remaining 18 were either weak or required attention. The report's authors, Ryan Brobst and Bradley Bowman, warned that US defence industrial bases had been damaged by insufficient spending and that Washington might not be able to sustain the supply of weapons to its partners without a major shift. They cited the National Defence Strategy Commission's finding that 'consolidation and underinvestment had led to too few companies, gaps in the workforce, insufficient production infrastructure, and fragile supply chains'. Advertisement The Donald Trump administration has pledged a record US$1 trillion in defence spending for next year.
Yahoo
09-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Gov. Whitmer slams Trump's tariffs in DC, calls for investments in defense industries
Gov. Gretchen Whitmer on Wednesday blasted President Donald Trump's indiscriminate use of import tariffs as threatening economic "paralysis" if they continue and outlined a strategic vision of using specific measures to protect industries like auto manufacturing while rebuilding the nation's capacity to build ships, aircraft and computer chips. "I'm not against tariffs outright, but it is a blunt tool," Whitmer, a two-term governor who has been mentioned by pundits as a possible Democratic candidate for president in 2028, said in a half-hour speech at the Council of Foreign Relations offices near the White House in Washington. "You can't just pull out the tariff hammer to swing at every problem without a clear, defined end goal, (and) we cannot underestimate or underappreciate the time and capital it's going to take to actually bring jobs and supply chains back home." "There's not a shortcut here. Strategic re-industrialization must be a bipartisan project that spans multiple presidential administrations. So to get it done, we've got to work with our friends and compete against our adversaries," she continued. "We need to be strategic about tariffs on the technology we actually want to make in America and on industries where we already have a sizable competitive advantage." Whitmer's speech, characterized as a major one by her staff, came ahead of another scheduled meeting with Trump at the White House on Wednesday, her third since the Republican president's January inauguration and one at which she was to be accompanied by state House Speaker Matt Hall, R-Richland Township. Throughout Wednesday's speech and a question-and-answer discussion with former Fox News journalist Gretchen Carlson, Whitmer made clear that she wants to work with Trump, including on tariffs, to produce more jobs and a better quality of life for Michiganders. In the session with Carlson, she downplayed any suggestion she's planning a run for the presidency, saying her only interest was in raising concerns over the scope of Trump's tariffs — which have rocked global stock markets in recent days and weeks, with economists predicting higher consumer prices and a possible recession — while also underscoring her belief that Trump's desire to increase manufacturing in the U.S. is a positive one she broadly supports. "This is what we did in Michigan during World War II," she told Carlson, referring to the so-called Arsenal of Democracy that saw auto manufacturing in the state retooled to churn out aircraft to help win that war. "This is what we are capable of as a nation. We need leadership that stays focused ... I desperately want whomever is here in the White House today or in the future to really be thinking long term about: How do we build a country that is leaders, that is revered again, that is dominant in these industries and that has a lifestyle that is the envy of the world." "That's who we were at one point. We can be that again," she said. It was also discussed during the session with Carlson following the speech that Trump's widespread use of tariffs is causing a level of uncertainty for businesses that will hurt, not foster, growth. "No company is going to be able to invest hundreds of millions or billions of dollars, in many cases, much less make decades-long investments, because you don't know what the rules are," she said. "We're going to see contraction. We're going to see paralysis that is going to lead to job losses and higher costs for people. "I will continue to encourage the White House to think about what the long term strategy is," she added. Whitmer was a key ally of former President Joe Biden's and the Democratic nominee in last year's presidential election, former Vice President Kamala Harris. But since Trump's election, she has spoken several times, as she did Wednesday, of the need to work with Trump for the sake of the state while also criticizing his administration where it's called for. "We should be able to celebrate good policy no matter where it comes from, and also criticize bad policy wherever it comes from," she said. "There's a lot more common ground here than we think, while partisanship seems to have infected every aspect of our lives and it's exhausting." Whitmer noted at length the harm Trump's tariffs — including a 25% tax on imported autos and auto parts, as well as those on steel and aluminum — are already having on a domestic auto industry largely based in Michigan that depends on supply lines that extend across North America and the globe. "I'm not going to sugarcoat it. These last few days have been really tough for Michigan," she said. "Twenty percent of our economy is tied to the auto industry, which depends on a steady flow of goods from our largest and closest trading partners. We're home to the busiest international border crossing in North America ... We're already seeing the impacts of auto companies stockpiling parts and laying off workers. Suppliers are facing higher costs and delaying expansions. Dealerships are forced to raise prices by up to $15,000 amid slowing sales, and since every single auto job supports three others in the community, the impact is being felt by all of us." But the governor's speech dealt with far more than just the impacts of Trump's wide-ranging trade actions, which he has defended as intended to increase U.S. exports abroad, improve the manufacturing base in the U.S. and raise tax revenue for the federal government — aims which may be at cross purposes in some cases. Instead, she spoke at length about the need for the U.S. to expand manufacturing in some specific areas, particularly those related to national defense — a sector that in recent months has seemingly become a more central issue in Whitmer's public pronouncements. In Wednesday's speech, Whitmer — who has already promoted an initiative to train more maritime construction workers — said America's shipbuilding capacity has dwindled in the last 75 years, while China makes more ships than the rest of the world combined. She said that the Navy has already set goals to build hundreds of new ships and submarines and if that goal isn't taken seriously, China's naval fleet could be 1 1/2 times the size of that of the U.S. by the end of this decade. She delivered a similar message on semiconductor chips, which the Biden administration leaned heavily into investments for, as well as aircraft, saying while the U.S. remains the world leader in the latter industry, "We face serious economic headwinds as our adversaries catch up." "Globally, we're short 17,000 jets and planes, and plane travel shows no sign of slowing down, with an all-time high of 5.2 billion passengers last year," she said. "Because of the shortage, however, airlines are having to use older planes for longer periods of time, for an average of 14 years. There's a huge opportunity here to meet demand, while making a profit and maximizing market share. China understands this ... They're rapidly expanding their aviation industry, both military and commercial, and they're gaining momentum fast." Whitmer again suggested that the Trump administration could help encourage growth in aviation manufacturing by helping to cut through bureaucratic obstacles and recruit workers needed at a time when "a huge wave of retirements is about to hit the market." "We need a coordinated national strategy and bipartisan investment to grow America's aviation industry and workforce. Otherwise, we know that China is going to eat our lunch," she said. "If we're proactive, we can create tens of thousands of good paying jobs and protect our national security and lower costs for travelers around the world and here at home. So let's make it easier for aviation and aerospace to thrive in America. Let's put a ruthless emphasis on outcomes over process." Contact Todd Spangler: tspangler@ Follow him on Twitter@tsspangler This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Whitmer slams Trump tariffs in DC speech, discusses economy
