Latest news with #Asterix
NDTV
2 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
The 'Real' Bengali: On Migrant Politics In Bengal And Assam
A controversy is brewing, which, some political commentators assume, may influence the sundry ' bhadralok ' in the upcoming assembly elections in West Bengal. The state, especially since 1977, has stood out on the country's political map like the tiny Gaulish village imagined by Rene Goscinny in his Asterix series. For most of its political history, West Bengal has been ruled by parties opposed to the Centre. There have been occasions when the conflict has been intense, even hostile. Rarely have those in power in Kolkata considered a Union government "friendly" - rarely, because there have been brief spells of camaraderie. Now, when state assembly elections are expected in March-April 2026, "Bengali pride" seems to be the main ingredient in the political cauldron being stirred by Trinamool Congress (TMC) druids. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has exhorted her party members to continue the "movement" against the detention of Bengali-speaking migrant workers in states ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). But will that be enough to fend off the latter's strong nationalist appeal? Mamata's lieutenant-turned-arch-rival and now Leader of Opposition in the state assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, has alleged that these protests are a smokescreen for hiding administrative controversies. He has accused the government of trying to shift focus from corruption, the lack of safety and security of citizens, and other burning issues. Adhikari has also blamed the TMC of harbouring "Bengali-speaking Rohingya" in West Bengal to buttress its vote bank. The Influx From Across Meanwhile, Banerjee has referred to the Assam government's notice to at least two people residing in her state. One of them, a farmer from West Bengal's Cooch Behar district, received a notice late last year from the Assam Foreigners Tribunal. The allegation was followed by a rebuttal from Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. He pointed out in a post on X, "...the people of Assam - especially Hindus - are becoming a hopeless minority in our own land. All this has happened over a span of just 60 years." Incidentally, assembly elections are due in Assam at the same time as West Bengal. For long, infiltration has been an issue that has been constantly raised by the two states. Concerns are voiced over Bengali-speaking immigrants squatting on land owned by the state or by its indigenous people. Beginning 1979, Assam witnessed a tumultuous period that saw students and the intelligentsia taking to the streets. It was aimed to address the political, cultural, and economic concerns of Assamese people over large-scale illegal immigration into the state. Six years later, on August 15, 1985, the Assam Accord was signed in New Delhi by the Union and state governments, and the leaders of the movement. Apart from the social, cultural, and political impacts it made, the framework established by the Accord underpins the National Register of Citizens (NRC) exercises. As is now, then, too, the NRC exercise in Assam had drawn flak from the TMC, when in early 2018, its MP, Sougata Ray, alleged that the process was a "conspiracy to drive out Bengali-speaking people from Assam". Interestingly, way back in May 2005, DMK's S. Regupathy, the then Minister of State for Home Affairs in the Manmohan Singh government, had said in the Rajya Sabha: "The Government proposes to prepare a National Register of Indian Citizens and issue Multipurpose National Identity Cards to the citizens of the country". He was answering a question on whether there was a proposal to identify "illegal Bangladeshi migrants on the basis of separate identity cards and a pilot project for such door-to-door verification is already in progress...". Going By Numbers... Based on Census figures of 2001 and 2011, a back-of-the-envelope calculation finds that the Assamese-language population grew by about 16%, yet its share in Assam's total population dipped by 0.42 percentage points in the decade. In contrast, Bengali speakers expanded nearly 23% in absolute terms, lifting their statewide share by 1.37 points between 2001 and 2011. However, it needs mention here that the Census of India, 1911, Volume III, Assam, in para 100 (pages 96-97), stated, "The language of the large foreign population is often returned as Bengali, and most of the aboriginal tribes in the plains are bilingual and are just as likely to return Assamese for their mother tongue as their own language." It also quoted an incident from Lakhimpur, where enumerators "entered the parents as speaking Hindi and their infant born in Lakhimpur as speaking Assamese". They, agreed the document, were just following "a rule of thumb". It is difficult to identify illegal immigrants given the fact that the state was part of the Bengal Presidency under British colonial rule, hosting several Bengali-speaking Hindu and Muslim families. But geographically, due to its location, Assam did witness an influx of refugees during the partition of India (1947) and after the creation of Bangladesh (1971). Even today, undocumented immigrants, with the help of touts, manage to slip through the porous border and even organise documents to prove Indian identity, as many reports claim. The Brahma Committee Report, submitted in January 2018, had also mentioned the risks to the indigenous people of Assam from illegal Bangladeshi immigration into the state. The committee, headed by former Chief Election Commissioner Hari Shankar Brahma, was formed to address the land rights and encroachment faced by the state's indigenous people. The Way We Speak Moving West, the story repeats in West Bengal, where allegations against squatters come from the state's border districts along Bangladesh. The BJP accuses the TMC of appeasing "nearly 40%" of West Bengal's minority population for electoral advantage. According to the Census of 2011, Muslims comprised about 27% of the state's population then. Again, the history and geography of West Bengal is such that identifying Bangladeshi infiltrators poses a challenge. However, despite the similarities, there are differences in the languages spoken in Bangladesh and India. It even differs from region to region within the countries. In his landmark classification, linguist Suniti Kumar Chatterji has identified the broad regional groups, each with its own morphological and phonetic profile. Bengali may be the official language in Bangladesh, but there, it has words drawn from Arabic and Persian. For example, in West Bengal, father is usually ' baba', but in Bangladesh, it is generally ' abbu'; the mother's sister here is addressed as ' maasi', unlike ' khala' on the other side. The pronunciation and diction vary, too. However, much like what's mentioned in the Census 2001 documents on Assam, an offspring of a migrant may speak Bengali as spoken in West Bengal. For a Bengali-speaking Indian, the language may be easy to identify in a first-generation immigrant. For a trained ear, the diction of even a second-generation immigrant may be decipherable. However, electoral and political interests leave little room for such extensive exercises to determine infiltrators. The health of the nation depends on addressing this complex issue without pride, prejudice, or interests in short-term gains.
Business Times
30-06-2025
- Business
- Business Times
Tariff bullying is working too well in Europe
US President Donald Trump's April tariff barrage felt like the height of hubris. It infuriated allies, damaged his popularity at home and triggered financial market chaos so acute that the whole thing was paused within days – the latest sign of America's Icarus-like tendency to try to remake the world every few decades. Yet three months on, as the deadline for a compromise looms, Europe's own syndrome risks emerging: a tendency to look more like a collection of Asterix villages than a cohesive whole. It is now looking increasingly likely that the European Union's 27 members, whose common trade policy is led by Brussels, will be faced with what is called an 'asymmetric' deal. There will be no removal of all tariffs imposed or threatened by Trump, including a baseline levy expected at 10 per cent. If that is the case, the UK's bare-bones deal – which failed to cancel its own 10 per cent tariff or a 25 per cent levy on steel and aluminium – has become a kind of precedent: a few carve-outs, a gushing tweet and hope that Trump moves on. Canada has also become a precedent, withdrawing its digital services tax on tech companies after the US made it a red line for talks. Financial markets see cause for cheer as a de-escalation path takes form. The question then becomes whether – or how – the EU retaliates. Aside from responding to the economic hit against an export flow worth US$605.9 billion last year, from Airbus airliners to Volkswagen cars, not doing so might be a signal that bullying works. BT in your inbox Start and end each day with the latest news stories and analyses delivered straight to your inbox. Sign Up Sign Up Last week, Nato allies agreed to more than double defence spending targets to 5 per cent of gross domestic product (of which 1.5 per cent would go on related infrastructure), addressing a Trumpian bugbear while also ensuring more orders for US arms. G7 allies also appear to have offered concessions on global taxation of US companies in return for the dropping of a 'revenge tax'. The EU has been offering other carrots for months, from buying more US imports to cooperating on China. Which is why Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen warned it might soon be time to 'respond in kind'. The thing about retaliation is that it requires unity, especially if the idea is to go beyond goods and into services provided by dominant US companies such as Alphabet or Amazon. And even if the EU Commission is taking a strident tone, the combination of geopolitical risk and weak economic growth does not generally inspire unity. Few heads seem willing to rise above the parapet. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz wants to get on with delivering on lofty promises of national renewal, not get bogged down in a tariff war. Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni might want to preserve her relationship with Trump, which was on display at the Nato summit. Countries to the east, closer to the war in Ukraine, are more focused on access to American hard power, as displayed in spectacular fashion in Iran. And while French President Emmanuel Macron will want to play the role of trade warrior, even his administration might see the value of a focus on securing protections for its own industries such as aerospace. Spain, the most recent target of a verbal lashing from Trump, seems somewhat isolated and has not rallied much of a wave of solidarity. During the Brexit saga, the UK's oft-repeated mantra was 'no deal is better than a bad deal'. Nobody is saying that in Brussels these days, even as officials try to uphold red lines on defending existing regulation. Such is life when faced with the closest thing the world has to a superpower – and when dependency on the said superpower runs deep, from security to technology. To be clear, the EU is hardly powerless in trade; and after deepening cooperation with Japan and Canada, there will be added impetus to cut new deals elsewhere. As for the US, a last dash for the finish line may produce a better outcome than the one currently on the table. But either way, the lesson for the EU is it must address the dependencies that help the bullying work. That will require collective action – on a defence industrial base that reduces fragmentation and increases innovation; on a capital market that is failing to create and scale up new companies; and on the technological gaps that make talk of sovereignty unconvincing. Icarus syndromes are quickly shaken off, but Asterix syndromes last forever. BLOOMBERG
Economic Times
30-06-2025
- Business
- Economic Times
Tariff bullying is working too well in Europe
TIL Creatives Despite initial outrage over Trump's tariffs, the EU faces a likely asymmetric trade deal with the US (AI image) Donald Trump's April tariff barrage felt like the height of hubris. It infuriated allies, damaged his popularity at home and triggered financial-market chaos so acute the whole thing was paused within days — the latest sign of America's Icarus-like tendency to try to remake the world every few decades. Yet three months on, as the deadline for a compromise looms, Europe's own syndrome risks emerging: a tendency to look more like a collection of Asterix villages than a cohesive whole. It's now looking increasingly likely that the European Union's 27 members, whose common trade policy is led by Brussels, will be faced with what is called an 'asymmetric' deal. There will be no removal of all tariffs imposed or threatened by Trump, including a baseline levy expected at 10%. If that's the case, the UK's bare-bones deal — which failed to cancel its own 10% tariff or a 25% levy on steel and aluminum — has become a kind of precedent: a few carve-outs, a gushing tweet and hope that Trump moves on. Canada has also become a precedent, withdrawing its digital services tax on tech companies after the US made it a red line for talks. Financial markets see cause for cheer as a de-escalation path takes form. Also Read: Trump keeps investors on edge while his deals may fall short of sweeping trade reforms The question then becomes whether — or how — the EU retaliates. Aside from responding to the economic hit against an export flow worth $605.9 billion last year, from Airbus SE airliners to Volkswagen AG cars, not doing so might be a signal that bullying works. Last week, NATO allies agreed to more than double defense spending targets to 5% of gross domestic product (of which 1.5% would go on related infrastructure), addressing a Trumpian bugbear while also ensuring more orders for US arms. G-7 allies also appear to have offered concessions on global taxation of US companies in return for the dropping of a 'revenge tax.' The EU has been offering other carrots for months, from buying more US imports to cooperating on China. Hence why Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen warned it might soon be time to 'respond in kind.' The thing about retaliation is that it requires unity, especially if the idea is to go beyond goods and into services provided by dominant US firms like Alphabet Inc. or Inc. And even if the EU Commission is taking a strident tone, the combination of geopolitical risk and weak economic growth doesn't generally inspire unity. Few heads seem willing to rise above the parapet. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz wants to get on with delivering on lofty promises of national renewal, not get bogged down in a tariff war. Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni might want to preserve her relationship with Trump, which was on display at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit. Countries to the east, closer to the war in Ukraine, are more focused on access to American hard power, as displayed in spectacular fashion in Iran. And while French President Emmanuel Macron will want to play the role of trade warrior, even his administration might see the value of a focus on securing protections for its own industries like aerospace. Spain, the most recent target of a verbal lashing from Trump, seems somewhat isolated and hasn't rallied much of a wave of solidarity. During the Brexit saga, the UK's oft-repeated mantra was 'no deal is better than a bad deal.' Nobody is saying that in Brussels these days, even as officials try to uphold red lines on defending existing regulation. Such is life when faced with the closest thing the world has to a superpower — and when dependency on said superpower runs deep, from security to be clear, the EU is hardly powerless in trade; and after deepening cooperation with Japan and Canada, there will be added impetus to cut new deals elsewhere. As for the US, a last dash for the finish line may produce a better outcome than the one currently on the either way, the lesson for the EU is it must address the dependencies that help the bullying work. That will require collective action: on a defense industrial base that reduces fragmentation and increases innovation, on a capital market that's failing to create and scale up new companies and on the technological gaps that make talk of sovereignty unconvincing. Icarus syndromes are quickly shaken off, but Asterix syndromes last forever.
The Independent
27-06-2025
- Entertainment
- The Independent
The enchanting French theme park just 40km from Disney that's cheaper – and far less busy
'Who makes the magic potion?' I asked my 13-year-old nephew Fred as we landed at Charles de Gaulle Airport. 'Getafix,' he replied without hesitation. While the stories of Asterix, the Gaul had been the mainstay of my youth, Fred had recently discovered this world through Netflix's five-part series released in April. As we walked from Les Trois Hiboux hotel into the park, he looked up at the roller coaster rails of the Goudurix ride towering above the Viking area. 'Are we going on that?' he asked, eyes wide with anticipation and disbelief, after all, it boasts five loop-de-loops followed by a corkscrew. This wide-eyed astonishment would set the tone for our entire weekend. The Adventures of Asterix the Gaul follow the warrior Asterix and his fellow Gaulish villagers as they stand up against the might of Julius Caesar and the Roman Empire. First published in 1959, there are now 40 volumes with another due for release this year. With a whopping 393 million copies sold they are the best-selling European comic book series ever and the second best in the world. Some 40km away, Disneyland Paris was preparing for the May bank holiday, one of their busiest weekends with snaking queues and lengthy waits. We were casually strolling straight into the heart of Parc Astérix. While it isn't striving to imitate its larger, more saccharine neighbour (which it actually predates by three years), the park is reaching new audiences through recent book releases like Asterix in Lusitania, due October 2025, and the new Netflix series. Parc Astérix has grown from strength to strength, recording 2.84 million visitors in 2024. With short transfer times from Charles de Gaulle via an €11 shuttle bus, it's positioning itself as a genuine alternative in European theme parks. Fred took charge of our route, map in hand, leading us through the medieval section, past 19th-century Parisian streets, and straight into ancient Egypt. The park divides into iconic sections from the Asterix universe: ancient Egypt and Greece, Rome, and of course the legendary Gaulish village still holding out against Roman might. Each area is meticulously designed with temples, Parthenons, and Viking thrones, populated by familiar faces from the comic series. I watched Fred's delight as we moved between worlds, taking in the seemingly rickety wooden-framed Zeus roller coaster and Toutatis, Europe's second-fastest roller coaster. The Gallic humour translates perfectly for both adults and children. Characters like Getafix the magic potion-brewing druid, Cocofonix the tone-deaf bard, and Netflix's Potus the clueless Roman general wander the park, creating natural photo opportunities. What struck me most was the staff's genuine passion, most had grown up with these stories, and their warmth felt authentic rather than corporate-trained. The variety of attractions impressed us both. On the second day we were joined by some other writers and their families. The youngest member, aged two-and-a-half, rode one attraction a magnificent eleven times. Roller coasters cater to growing kids, with everything accessible for those over 130cm. Shows run throughout the day, high diving, pirate performances, and an exceptional 4D cinema experience. Yes, they're in French, but the visual spectacle translates beautifully, packed with universal humour. Parc Astérix isn't resting on its laurels. This year sees the opening of Cétautomatix (Fulliautomatix in English), a new spinning chariot roller coaster set in the blacksmith's workshop. Plans are also underway for additional hotel accommodation to complement the existing two 3-star and one 4-star properties. Each hotel has its own theme: the Great Hall of Les Trois Hiboux, the stilted village of La Cité Suspendue, and the magical quayside of Les Quais de Lutèce. All sit within walking distance of the park, perfect for recovering from adrenaline-fuelled days. The value proposition speaks for itself. For two adults and two children under 12, Parc Astérix charges €443 for one night and one day, or €593 for one night and two days, including breakfast. Disney charges €970 for a one-night, two-day package excluding breakfast. Food pricing matches Disney's at the fast-food level – €10 for kids' meals, €18 for adults – but the three-course 'all you can eat' buffet at Restaurant Le Cirque costs just €12.50 for children and €35 for adults, compared to Disney's €25/€45 equivalent. Fred returned to our table beaming with a plateful of food. 'What have you got?' I asked. 'Caviar,' he responded. 'I've never had it before.' The buffet offered lasagne, dauphinoise potatoes, roast meats, vegetarian dishes, whole cooked salmon, extensive desserts, and a cheese board to die for – a veritable feast. Fast-track passes are available, though Disney's are slightly cheaper at €190 per person over three years old, while Parc Astérix costs €239/€199 for ages 3-11. However, the Asterix price includes lunch at Restaurant Le Cirque, adding genuine value. Asterix has always been about a small Gaulish village standing up to Roman imperial might. The parallels with Parc Astérix challenging Disney are unmistakable. Despite being almost dead on his feet, Fred was desperate for one more ride. 'Thanks Uncle Matt, this is the best weekend ever!' he said, and a warm glow of happiness surrounded me. Now that Netflix has successfully brought Asterix back to global screens, perhaps it's time British families discovered what the French have known all along: sometimes David really can outshine Goliath. How to do it Airlines including British Airways, easyJet and Jet2 fly to Charles-De-Gaul Paris from the UK. Parc Asterix runs a shuttle bus from the airport costing €11. If you are arriving by Eurostar at Gare du Nord you can walk to the Gare de l'Est metro station (Verdun) where you catch the subway to Palais Royal. From there, you can take one of the buses that depart every 20 minutes.
Local Germany
18-06-2025
- General
- Local Germany
Residents of German social housing legacy still pay 'Middle Age rents'
When German pensioner Angelika Stibi got the keys to her new home in the southern region of Bavaria this year, a huge financial weight was lifted from her shoulders. Stibi has to pay just 88 euro cents a year for her apartment in the social housing complex known as the Fuggerei, where rents have not gone up since the Middle Ages. Founded in 1521 by the wealthy businessman Jakob Fugger and believed to be the oldest such project in the world, the Fuggerei in the city of Augsburg provides living space for 150 residents facing financial hardship. Consisting of several rows of yellow terraced buildings with green shutters and sloping red roofs, the complex still resembles a medieval village. "I had a truly wonderful life until I was 55," said Stibi, a mother of two in her 60s from Augsburg. After she was diagnosed with cancer, "everything went from bad to worse" and she was left with no other option but to apply for social housing, she said. Waiting lists are long for apartments in the walled enclave not far from Augsburg city centre, with most applicants having to wait "between two and six or seven years", according to resident social worker Doris Herzog. "It all depends on the apartment you want. The ones on the ground floor are very popular," Herzog said. Applicants must be able to prove that they are Augsburg residents, Catholic and suffering from financial hardship. Advertisement Relative of Mozart Martha Jesse has been living at the Fuggerei for 17 years after finding herself with monthly pension payments of just 400 euros, despite having worked for 45 years. An inner view shows Martha Jesse's flat in the Fuggerei in Augsburg. (Photo by Michaela STACHE / AFP) "Living elsewhere would have been almost impossible," said the 77-year-old, whose apartment is filled with religious symbols. Advertisement The Fuggerei was heavily damaged in World War II but has since been rebuilt in its original style. Renowned composer Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's great-grandfather, the mason Franz Mozart, was once a resident and visitors can still see a stone plaque bearing his name. READ ALSO: 'Nachzahlung' - What are the rules around additional housing costs in Germany? For Andreas Tervooren, a 49-year-old night security guard who has lived at the Fuggerei since 2017, the complex is "like a town within a town" or "the Asterix village in the comic books". The meagre rents at the Fuggerei are all the more remarkable given its location an hour's drive from Munich, the most expensive city in Germany to live in and one of the most expensive in Europe. Rents have also risen sharply in many other German cities in recent years, leading to a wave of protests. READ ALSO: Which German cities are the most in need of new housing? But not at the Fuggerei, whose founders stipulated that the rent should never be raised. Daily prayer Jakob Fugger (1459-1525), also known as Jakob the Rich, was a merchant and financier from a wealthy family known for its ties to European emperors and the Habsburg family. Fugger set up several foundations to help the people of Augsburg, and they continue to fund the upkeep of the Fuggerei to this day. The annual rent in the Fuggerei was one Rhenish gulden, about the weekly wage of a craftsman at the time -- equivalent to 88 cents in today's money. Although some descendants of the Fugger family are still involved in the management of the foundations, they no longer contribute any money. "We are financed mainly through income from forestry holdings, and we also have a small tourism business," said Daniel Hobohm, administrator of the Fugger foundations. The Fuggerei attracts a steady stream of visitors, and the foundations also receive rental income from other properties. In return for their lodgings, residents of the Fuggerei must fulfil just one condition -- every day, they must recite a prayer for the donors and their families.
