Latest news with #Citizenship(Amendment)Act
Indian Express
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
M A Baby writes: CAA, NRC and now SIR: Government is following a path that leads to disenfranchisement, exclusion
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), the National Register of Citizens (NRC), and the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Bihar seek to disenfranchise citizens, and change the nature of citizenship in India. Collectively, they carry echoes of the most disturbing episodes of 20th-century history and augur a dangerous, exclusionary path that independent India has consciously avoided thus far. Two main perspectives exist regarding citizenship: Citizenship by birth (jus soli) and citizenship based on race and culture (jus sanguinis). Of these, the Indian Constitution upheld the modern perspective of citizenship by birth, after the discussions on citizenship that took place in the Constituent Assembly in August 1949. Even in those discussions, arguments were raised in favour of making religion the basis for citizenship. However, the Constituent Assembly rejected this argument and adopted the position that the granting citizenship based on religious identities does not befit a modern democratic society. Thus, Articles 5 to 11, which deal with the question of citizenship, were formulated, and Article 5(a) unequivocally stated that anyone born in the territory of India would be an Indian citizen. With the CAA, religion is a factor in deciding Indian citizenship. The Sangh Parivar claims that the CAA will not affect existing citizens. However, the Union Home Minister stated both inside and outside Parliament, 'chronology samjhiye' — that is, to understand the chronology. What is that chronology? First the CAA, then the NRC; that's the order. Those who are unable to produce proper documents will have to undergo verification based on the CAA criteria in order to be included in the NRC. How can one then say that the CAA will not affect existing citizens? During the preparation of the NRC, the citizenship of those who are unable to provide precise details, including the birthplace of their parents, will fall under the shadow of doubt. We saw a clear picture of this when the NRC was implemented in Assam. Around 19 lakh people were excluded. Two-thirds of those excluded were women. Although the Sangh Parivar's primary targets are religious minorities, even others — especially Adivasis, the poor and uneducated, transgender people — may not possess the requisite documents. Their citizenship, too, will come under question. It is estimated that about 42 per cent of people in India do not have birth certificates. Crores of our brothers and sisters could cease to be Indian citizens for want of necessary documents. They will either be locked up in detention centres or become a populace devoid of civil rights. This is the dark reality that is staring us in the face. The recent moves by the Election Commission of India (ECI) in the guise of the SIR of electoral rolls in Bihar suggest that a backdoor effort is underway to prepare the NRC. The SIR process has raised concerns about the disenfranchisement of marginalised groups, especially minorities. This has to be seen as part of a broader pattern of using bureaucratic processes to exclude certain sections from political participation. Against the backdrop of these developments, we need to recall that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) drew inspiration from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during its formative years in the 1920s and 1930s. Balkrishna Shivram Moonje's — president of the Hindu Mahasabha and mentor of RSS founder K B Hedgewar — visit to Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini in 1931 was a pivotal moment in the cross-pollination of ideas between Italy and Hindu nationalist circles in India. In his diary, Moonje praised Mussolini's vision for the 'military regeneration of Italy' and explicitly stated that 'India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus'. Inspired by what he saw, Moonje established the Central Hindu Military Education Society in 1935 and the Bhonsala Military School in Nashik in 1937, aiming to militarise 'Hindu India'. The RSS later adopted aspects of this model, with notable similarities in recruitment and organisational structure to the Opera Nazionale Balilla — the Italian fascist youth organisation. Moonje's efforts and admiration for Mussolini's methods have left a lasting impact on the organisational development of the RSS. Early RSS leaders, including their second chief, M S Golwalkar, and ideologue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, openly admired aspects of Adolf Hitler and Mussolini's regimes. They were especially influenced by the concept of 'cultural nationalism' and the fascist model of organising society around a dominant ethnic or religious identity. Golwalkar's book We or Our Nationhood Defined (1939) explicitly referenced admiration for Hitler's policies, arguing that India should be defined as a Hindu nation and that minorities should be treated similarly to how Nazis treated Jews. This book played a key role in shaping the RSS's ideology and tied the organisation to fascist thought. In his Bunch of Thoughts, Golwalkar described Muslims, Christians and communists as India's 'internal threats'. Those who lament that progressive values of secularism and socialism are foreign concepts are in fact using regressive foreign ideas and methods to carry forward their divisive communal agenda. Soon after enacting the discriminatory Nuremberg Laws in 1935, Nazi Germany completely abolished all democratic rights and stopped conducting elections. Taken together, the CAA, NRC and SIR of electoral rolls in Bihar that are being implemented and deemed appropriate for present-day India are a disturbing portent. The writer is general secretary of the CPI(M)
India Today
08-07-2025
- Entertainment
- India Today
Apoorva Mukhija's parents compared her to Deepika Padukone after India's Got Latent row
Influencer Apoorva Mukhija, also known as The Rebel Kid, said her parents compared her to Bollywood actor Deepika Padukone when the 'India's Got Latent' controversy happened. She spoke about it on filmmaker Farah Khan's YouTube channel, and shared her parents' reaction to the whole Rebel Kid told Khan, "Mujhe kehte the, 'Koi baat nahi, aisa hota rehta hai. Hum dekhte the ki Deepika Padukone ke saath aisa ho raha hai. Ab tu bhi toh... (They would say, 'It's okay, these things happen. We have seen something similar happen with Deepika Padukone too. Now it's happening to you as well...')advertisementShe then responded to a question about her initial reaction to the backlash followed by her controversial remarks on the show. "Mujhe toh laga mazak ho raha hai, aisa ho hi nahi sakta. Ek din toh main hass rahi thi, ki yeh sab log pagal ho gaye hain. Aisa ho nahi sakta. Jhoot bol rahe hain. Phir uske baad main bahut royi. (I thought it was a joke, it couldn't happen. One day I was laughing that everyone had gone mad. It cannot happen. They are lying. Then I cried a lot)," the 23-year-old the video, Mukhija also shared how she was asked to vacate her flat in Mumbai after the controversy. Furthermore, she recalled being blacklisted from an entire building after the owner identified her from the show. Mukhija found herself under scrutiny after her appearance on Samay Raina's comedy show, which also involved podcaster Ranveer Allahbadia. Her comeback at a comedian's remark snowballed into a controversy, leading to all sorts of criticism Deepika Padukone earlier faced immense backlash and social media trolling in 2020, following her appearance at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, right in the middle of promoting her film 'Chhapaak'. She was there to stand with the group of students protesting against the 2020 JNU attack and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. She didn't make any statements, stood there, and left the campus.- EndsMust Watch IN THIS STORY#Deepika Padukone
Time of India
06-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Historian Bharali passes away at 78
Guwahati: Professor Udayaditya Bharali, a distinguished historian, academician and political commentator, passed away on Sunday at the age of 78 at his South Sarania residence in Guwahati after battling kidney disease for a long time. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now CM Himanta Biswa Sarma expressed sorrow at the passing of the notable educationist. "HCM conveyed his heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family and offered prayers for the eternal peace of the departed soul," Assam CMO wrote on X. Bharali, who was on dialysis for the last few years, is survived by his wife and two daughters. His last rites will be performed on Monday. A prominent figure in the state's Naxal movement during the 1970s, Bharali was an academician, columnist, and sports organiser, who later became the principal of Cotton College (now Cotton University). Following his death, condolences poured in from several political parties, including BJP, Congress, AGP, AIUDF, CPI, CPM, AJP, and Raijor Dal, alongside social organisations and academia. He was consistently outspoken during political crises, including being a prominent voice against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. Bharali's close associate Devabrata Sharma, a scholar and former principal of Jorhat College (Amalgamated), noted his significant contribution to democratising Assam's civil society. "A comrade-in-arms with Vaskar Nandy, the legendary Naxalite leader, Bharali was instrumental in formulating the line of PCC, CPIML on the vexed nationality question of Assam during the eventful days of the Assam movement," Sharma added.
Indian Express
05-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
On the ground in Bihar, EC electoral roll revision revives old ghosts, and some new
AHEAD of Friday prayers, Mohd Farukh and his nephew Mohd Dil Nawaz, 20, decide to make a quick dash to a nearby government school in a village on the outskirts of Darbhanga town. They have heard that Bihar's electoral rolls are being revised, and want to find out from 'Madam' what is to be done. However, they return disappointed; the school is locked and there are no teachers around. Back home, a greying Farukh says none of his family members has received the new enrolment forms, nor do they know what to do next. 'This is the latest way to hassle people… Is this not NRC?' The reference is to the BJP-led Central government's plans for a National Register of Citizens. Once linked to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act by the government, leading to protests in 2019, the NRC has since been put on the backburner. However, amid the EC's new — and sudden — requirement that all voters, new and existing, provide documents that are akin to giving citizenship proof, a section of minorities ask if this is 'NRC by the backdoor.' Mohd Akbar, 55, a resident of Misri Ganj in Darbhanga town, says that he and his wife don't figure in the electoral rolls since 2020. To get back, they must produce one of the 11 documents suggested by the EC as part of the Special Intensive Revision exercise. He has none. His one hope is getting his 'vanshavali' or family register made. Mohd Ansar, who works as a driver, has a driving licence and Aadhaar card. But those won't suffice. 'Jhamela hai (It's a problem),' he says, asking how many electors can even run around to put together caste, domicile or family register papers in time. The EC, which started the exercise only on June 28, plans to wrap it up by July 25, and print the draft electoral rolls by August 1. The final one is scheduled for September 30, days ahead of the Assembly polls. Akbar and Ansar, as well as their neighbour Mohd Hafiz, heard about the EC exercise only through their local school teachers, and say they are yet to receive their forms. In a statement on Friday, the EC said its Booth Level Officers (BLOs) had visited nearly 1.5 crore houses and distributed 87% of the enumeration forms, and that 5% of those had been returned filled. 'The remaining houses could be locked, or (belong to) dead electors, or migrants or those who may be travelling,' the EC said, adding that they would expand coverage as the BLOs would visit each house three times. On the ground in Darbhanga, many are yet to be approached by BLOs. Such as Rizwana Khatun. Her other worry is that her husband works in Saudi Arabia. 'What about the forms of those who work abroad?' she asks. Down the road, in Chatra village, Ashok Kumar Yadav is among the lucky ones. Clutching his form, the owner of a ration shop says: 'I just got this. I have to see what all they want.' Yadav fully backs the EC move. 'The government has a right to ask for documents. It is their job to keep us safe. It can't be the case that there are no illegal immigrants in Bihar.' In Simri village as well, the EC's drive finds some support, coupled with caution. A government school teacher, Mohd Irshad, says: 'Change is the law of nature. In the beginning, people will face some trouble, but the process will settle down.' However, he adds, the EC should have given the voters more time to provide the required documents. He has all the papers, Irshad adds, as 'I started looking for my family's pre-1965 documents when the NRC was being proposed.' Yet, he admits: 'Dar to sabhi ko lagta hai (Who is not scared)?' While the EC conducts annual special summary revisions, it has said that it is after 2003 that it is holding a Special Intensive Revision, keeping in mind factors such as migration, urbanisation and potential entry of foreigners into the electoral rolls. As per the EC directive, issued on June 24, the over 7.8 crore existing voters of Bihar hence must submit new enumeration forms. While those who were in the 2003 electoral rolls only have to submit an extract from it as proof, others must provide documents among a list of 11 to prove the date and/or place of birth, which establishes citizenship. The list does not include Aadhaar and ration cards, the most commonly held documents, especially by the poor and marginalised. In a small settlement of the Extremely Backward Class (EBC) Mandal community in Simri, Santosh Kumar Mandal also counts himself as among the fortunate ones; he has his BA degree. Nearly 30 years after he earned it, it may be useful to Mandal, who earns a living as an auto driver. 'So far, no one has come to give us the forms, but we have seen the news,' he says. In another settlement nearby of EBC families, Rajni Devi, 35, says she applied for a caste certificate just a day earlier. 'It usually takes 11-15 days, but the cyber cafe where I applied online said it will be done in two to three days.' The authorities have been instructed to expedite the issue of caste and other certificates needed for the EC exercise. The BLO superviser of the area, Ranjeet Kumar Ram, who has been distributing forms and filling them out for those who need help, says: 'We are trying to find solutions to help the voters. In some cases, if they don't have any documents, we are asking them to get a certificate from their sarpanch.' Once he has collected the forms and documents, Ram must walk some distance to get a cell signal to upload the same. In Ram Chela tola of Simri, Mohan Sahani, who works as a daily wager, says it is by chance that he is home these days. 'I go to Delhi to find work sometimes. Both my sons are there now. Who will feed the family if they come back too? What can we do if their names get cut?' he sighs.
NDTV
04-07-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Bihar's Electoral Roll Revision: Reform Or Voter Exclusion Risk? Expert Flags Concerns
New Delhi: The upcoming assembly election in Bihar has prompted the Election Commission of India (ECI) to begin a special intensive revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, a large-scale verification of voters in sync with the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2003. Through citizenship verification drives (CVDs), the state's 7.89 crore voters will need to ascertain their citizenship before the deadline of July 25, using one of 11 specified documents excluding Aadhaar and MNREGA card. Critics are also projecting the possible scenario of a "votebandi" where up to two crore voters would potentially lose voting rights. Since June 25, the SIR process has enabled booth level officers (BLOs) to reach almost 1.5 crore households, as per the ECI's latest statement to the media. They have issued a total of 6,86,17,932 enumeration forms which accounts for 87 per cent of the electors. The ECI is supported by 1,54,977 booth level agents (BLAs) and among them 52,689 belong to BJP while 47,504 belong to the RJD. An "inclusion first" approach is the priority. Close to 38 lakh filled and signed forms have been submitted and there are still two more BLO visits planned which would complete all household visits. The remaining households could be long term travelers, migrants, or voters who have passed away. The draft electoral roll will be published on August 1 with verification ramping up on August 2, and the final electoral rolls on September 30. The strict documentation guidelines alongside the tight timeline have raised concerns. The situation is further complicated by obsolete 2003 voter data and a staggering 20,000 unfilled BLO positions. Furthermore, the state's literacy rate of 61 per cent, as recorded in the 2011 census, suggests that many from disenfranchised communities lack essential documents such as a Class 10 certificate, which is required to obtain a birth certificate. The additional exclusion of Aadhaar and voter ID cards as acceptable forms of identification only worsens the situation. In an exclusive interview with NDTV, Sanjay Kumar, a psephologist and former director of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), unpacked the complexities of Bihar's SIR. With decades of expertise in India's electoral dynamics, particularly Bihar's caste and migration-driven politics, Mr Kumar acknowledged the need to address ghost voters and erroneous exclusions, but criticised the ECI's approach. "The SIR timeline from June 25 to July 25 is impracticable both on a technical and a human level," Mr Kumar said. "How is it possible for ECI to give notice on June 24 and begin verification the next day? Six months would give far greater scope. Why is it not adequate for Aadhaar and voter ID cards - which are widely used in Bihar as proof - to be valid ID for eligibility considerations? We should ask why these are not adequate." Mr Kumar highlighted the burden on voters added after 2003, who must provide birth certificates or matriculation certificates - documents that many lack due to Bihar's socio-economic challenges. "The process resembles a census, placing an undue burden on voters, especially the poor, Dalits, and migrants," he said. The ECI's assurance that no eligible voter will be left behind has not addressed widespread confusion and lack of awareness, he added. Mr Kumar asked the ECI to halt the SIR, engage with opposition parties, and resume transparently or consider delaying the elections to ensure inclusivity. "Maharashtra, Delhi, and Haryana elections have already faced voter manipulation controversies. The ECI, as an independent body, must prioritize transparency," Mr Kumar said. He asked opposition parties, including the INDIA bloc, to assess voter deletions post-SIR before deciding on election participation. Political Backlash And ECI's Response The SIR has ignited a political firestorm. Opposition leaders like Tejashwi Yadav (RJD), Pappu Yadav, and Prashant Kishor have accused the ECI of targeting marginalised groups, alleging the process could disproportionately exclude the poor, Dalit, and migrant voters. The INDIA bloc fears over two crore voter deletions, a concern Mr Kumar echoed as a risk to democratic fairness. In contrast, NDA leaders like Chirag Paswan defend the SIR as a legal and necessary step to ensure electoral integrity. The new Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar has reiterated the ECI's commitment to inclusivity, promising that no eligible voter will be excluded. However, with the July 25 deadline looming and logistical hurdles mounting, the feasibility of this pledge remains uncertain. A Well-Intentioned Effort Or A Calculated Move? The SIR's alignment with the Citizenship Act aims to clean Bihar's voter rolls, but its execution has raised questions about its intent and impact. Is it a well-meaning effort to ensure electoral accuracy gone awry, or a calculated move to reshape Bihar's electorate? As Mr Kumar noted, the ECI's impartiality can only be judged after the revised rolls are published.
