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Time of India
4 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Localisation beyond the Grand Bargain: Structural contradictions in the Global South
Rajeev Kumar Jha is a development professional with over 18 years of extensive experience in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) and Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) across the South Asia region. He currently serves as the Director of DRR and CCA at the esteemed Humanitarian Aid International (HAI). LESS ... MORE On March 10, Tom Fletcher, the Emergency Relief Coordinator and UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, issued a high-profile call for a 'humanitarian-reset' to consolidate efforts, re-evaluate strategies, eliminate redundancies, and enhance accountability across clusters and at the country level. A central part of his message was the need to accelerate the shift toward cash-based programming, aligning with long-standing commitments under the Grand Bargain. Yet, the timing and tone of this appeal raise important questions. Many observers argue that this reset was less a bold reformist initiative and more a reaction to the recent wave of development aid cuts by the US administration and other major donors. While Mr. Fletcher referenced the grand-bargain, his statement notably sidestepped the issue of localisation, failing to outline concrete mechanisms for transferring power, resources, or leadership to local actors. This omission is particularly striking as the current iteration of the Grand Bargain is set to expire in 2026, and localisation remains one of its most contested and unfulfilled goals. As the sector approaches this critical juncture, fundamental questions emerge: Will there be a genuine reset that centres local leadership and accountability, or will it dissolve into another cycle of rhetorical commitments and fragmented reform? The Grand Bargain Annual Meeting, held in Geneva on 16–17 October 2024, reflected these tensions. While members reaffirmed their interest in advancing quality funding, gender-transformative approaches, and strengthening national reference groups to serve as feedback loops between local and global levels, the outcomes were, by most accounts, muted and incremental. Without decisive action and structural reform, the localisation agenda risks becoming another diluted ambition, overshadowed by geopolitical shifts and institutional inertia. The Grand Bargain (GB) was introduced in 2016 at the World Humanitarian Summit to transform the humanitarian system, with localisation as one of its core pillars. A predominant argument for localisation critiques the historical dominance of Northern development agencies and donor governments in shaping humanitarian responses. Another classical question that always generates interest is issues of resource sharing through the local actors, which generally flows from the coffers of Northern Hemisphere countries and their institutions. It has been perceived that most of the Southern Hemisphere-based actors are net receivers of the resources. Grand Bargain was embraced with optimism, viewing it as a potential game-changer. However, the reality has proven more complex. As per the Passing the Buck report 2022, 1.2% of humanitarian funding only going directly to local and national actors till 2022. Based on the evidence, one can argue that it has fallen short of shifting power and resources to local actors in any substantive way. Questions about its legacy and next phase persist. If it ends without achieving substantial progress, the humanitarian system risks retaining the same colonial-era dynamics it sought to redress. Along the way, another question arises: Will countries and institutions in the Southern hemisphere take on new leadership roles, develop innovative funding mechanisms, and demonstrate the political will necessary to advance localisation? Alternatively, will they continue to rely on financial support from Western nations? There is a concern that existing imbalances may simply re-emerge in different forms. One significant challenge is that many Southern countries lack national-level funding systems that can sustain local actors without depending on international aid. This creates a disconnect between the expressed support for localisation and the actual structural policies, which are often centralised, top-down, and counterproductive to the aims of localisation. This inconsistency highlights a fundamental contradiction that must be addressed for effective advancement in localisation efforts. Let us examine a few large Southern countries that hold influence in the global humanitarian order and can change the course of localisation if they act collectively: India India's development space is increasingly shaped by corporate-led social responsibility under the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) mandate of the Companies Act, 2013. While CSR has mobilised significant funds (over INR 25,000 crore in 2021-22), it operates under strict government guidelines, which restrict innovation and prioritise state-aligned objectives. Local community agency is often subsumed under state-corporate frameworks. Direct humanitarian funding mechanisms for local NGOs are virtually non-existent. Further, the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) amendments in 2020 have significantly curtailed foreign funding to local NGOs, reducing their operational independence. China China's development cooperation is entirely state-led. China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA), formed in 2018, coordinates China Aid, which focuses on government-to-government projects, infrastructure, and technical assistance. China's engagement in humanitarianism has grown—e.g., through contributions to WFP, WHO, IFRC—but this rarely involves local civil society partners. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) further emphasizes large-scale corporate participation over grassroots empowerment. Domestic restrictions on NGO activity further limit the growth of an independent humanitarian civil society. Mexico Mexico lacks a formal humanitarian funding mechanism accessible to CSOs. The previous disaster response mechanism, FONDEN, was dissolved in 2020. Disaster and emergency responses are now managed through federal systems with minimal CSO engagement. Regulatory constraints also inhibit foreign funding to local NGOs. Despite efforts to integrate DRR into public policy, most CSOs operate in precarious environments. Brazil The Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC) coordinates South-South development cooperation but mainly offers technical support through state-to-state partnerships. Despite a vibrant NGO landscape, access to both national and international funding is bureaucratically arduous. The government does not maintain a grant-making mechanism for local humanitarian actors. Moreover, recent political shifts have led to reduced civic space for CSOs and public budget cuts for social development initiatives. Nigeria Nigeria heavily depends on foreign humanitarian aid. Currently, between 4 and 5 per cent of the operation is delivered directly through local partners, compared to 1.2 per cent globally. Most funding passes through UN agencies and INGOs. Although the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development (FMHADMSD) was established in 2019, its focus remains on poverty alleviation (e.g., through the National Social Investment Programme) rather than on empowering local humanitarian actors. Despite hosting many humanitarian operations in Northeast Nigeria, local NGOs are often subcontractors rather than equal partners. Indonesia Indonesia has a well-established disaster management framework through the BNPB (National Disaster Management Agency), but local NGOs struggle to access core funding or influence national decision-making processes. Civil society contributions are seen as complementary rather than central. International funding flows still dominate in humanitarian response efforts such as tsunamis, floods, or volcanic eruptions. Suggestions to Improve Localisation: Establish international humanitarian funds with Southern leadership-Governments, particularly in the Global South, should lead in establishing transparent, accessible international humanitarian funding pools that include mandatory quotas for local and national NGOs. These could be disbursed through competitive grant mechanisms, matching fund models, or simplified direct financing channels. A strategic starting point would be for a coalition of countries in the Global South—for example, India, Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, and Nigeria—to launch a $10 billion Southern Humanitarian Solidarity Fund, focused on regional crises, protracted emergencies, and anticipatory action. Currently, less than 2% of international humanitarian funding directly reaches local actors as per the Global Humanitarian Report, 2023. A South-led pooled fund could set a precedent for reversing this imbalance. Institutionalise local representation in national and international coordination platforms-National governments should mandate the inclusion of local NGOs, women-led groups, and community-based organizations into disaster coordination bodies such as NEMA (Nigeria), BNPB (Indonesia), and NDMA(India). Representation should be formalised in national disaster policies and linked to decision-making rights. International forums (e.g., the Grand Bargain, IASC) must also include local actors through elected representatives. Without institutional support, local actors often remain peripheral: for instance, only 3% of attendees at the 2023 Global Humanitarian Summit represented local organisations. Transition from capacity building to capacity sharing-Rather than treating capacity building as a unidirectional process, a shift toward mutual capacity sharing is needed. This means creating South-South peer learning platforms, where local actors co-develop tools, exchange lessons from disaster response, and contribute their deep contextual knowledge. Initiatives like the Humanitarian Exchange Language (HXL) or peer-review networks across Red Cross/Red Crescent national societies offer replicable models. Studies show that 'peer-to-peer learning between local responders in similar risk environments has higher retention and contextual adaptation than traditional training models' (ODI, 2022). Promote South-South localisation alliances-Regional alliances among Global South countries—such as the African Union, ASEAN, or CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States )—should mainstream localisation within their humanitarian frameworks. These alliances can launch regional localisation funds, create civil society working groups, and host annual South-South Humanitarian Localisation Forums. The Africa Risk Capacity (ARC) provides a powerful precedent in pooling sovereign funds for disaster risk reduction and response. A 2023 FAO-WFP review highlighted that regional cooperation on humanitarian action in the Global South has doubled in the past decade but remains underfunded and donor-dependent. Localise monitoring and accountability mechanisms-Localisation benchmarks (e.g., the 25% direct funding target from the Grand Bargain) should be monitored not just by international bodies like the IASC (Inter-Agency Standing Committee) or OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), but by national civil society coalitions and independent watchdogs. Public scorecards, community-level audits, and data disaggregation by local/national/international status can foster greater accountability and transparency. Conclusion: The call for a 'Humanitarian Reset' invites a thoughtful reckoning with the enduring tensions within the aid system. Efforts to advance localisation cannot rely solely on international platforms, particularly when national frameworks in many parts of the Global South continue to exhibit centralising tendencies and offer limited avenues for civil society engagement. As the Grand Bargain draws to a close, the challenge lies less in formulating new pledges and more in fostering the quiet but essential shifts within donor approaches and domestic governance alike that enable a more balanced distribution of power and resources. Real progress will depend on sustained collaboration between actors across both the Global South and traditional donor landscapes. It is through such partnerships, grounded in mutual respect and a commitment to shared responsibility, that localisation can move from aspiration to practice. Governments, donors, and civil society must work together to cultivate an environment in which the humanitarian system becomes more inclusive, responsive, and accountable to those it seeks to serve. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Scoop
09-06-2025
- Politics
- Scoop
Vanuatu Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu On UN Ocean Conference
Press Release – Government of Vanuatu Nice Action Plan comes ahead of anticipated ruling from International Court of Justice that could set path for climate action linked to accountability 'It is time to move beyond voluntary pledges to making climate action a binding legal duty.' Statement from Ralph Regenvanu, Minister of Climate Change Adaptation, Meteorology & Geo-Hazards, Energy, Environment and Disaster Management for the Republic of Vanuatu NICE, FRANCE (9 June 2025) 'At this UN Ocean Conference, the stakes could not be clearer. 'Vanuatu's contributions to climate change are minimal, yet we — and our neighbours — suffer severe repeated climate impacts that devastate our economy and people. We are living through the collapse of ocean stability and witnessing a dangerous acceleration in sea-level rise and ocean temperatures. Our oceans are increasingly hostile even to the very creatures that live in them. The consequences of this will ripple through the entire food chain, hitting vulnerable countries like Vanuatu the hardest and ultimately affecting all of humanity and future generations. The role of our ocean as our greatest carbon sink is being threatened. 'The Nice Ocean Action Plan aligns with the standards set by the landmark International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) Advisory Opinion delivered in May 2024, which made it clear: greenhouse gas emissions are marine pollution. And under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, all States are legally bound to prevent, reduce, and control them. This obligation extends not only to domestic emissions but to global ones as well. 'Even so, plans like these are voluntary. Promises without enforcement. Declarations without duty. 'Protecting the ocean from climate change should not be a matter of choice. We need concrete mechanisms and independent monitoring to ensure that nations uphold their legal responsibilities. Conferences like this one, and the upcoming COP30, must not leave frontline nations feeling that nothing is changing — despite the overwhelming urgency. 'It is time to move beyond voluntary pledges to making climate action a binding legal duty.' Climate action must be grounded in a robust framework of legal principles: human rights, the right to self-determination, the duty to prevent harm, precautionary approaches, intergenerational equity, and obligations enshrined in key international treaties — from the Biodiversity Convention to the UNFCCC to the Law of the Sea. 'That's why we eagerly await the International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion on the broader climate obligations of nations, in hopes of a strong ruling supporting global accountability for the climate crisis and enforceable climate action. 'It's time for States to catch up with the law, with the science, and with the urgency of this moment.'
Scoop
09-06-2025
- Politics
- Scoop
Vanuatu Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu On UN Ocean Conference
'It is time to move beyond voluntary pledges to making climate action a binding legal duty.' Statement from Ralph Regenvanu, Minister of Climate Change Adaptation, Meteorology & Geo-Hazards, Energy, Environment and Disaster Management for the Republic of Vanuatu NICE, FRANCE (9 June 2025) 'At this UN Ocean Conference, the stakes could not be clearer. 'Vanuatu's contributions to climate change are minimal, yet we — and our neighbours — suffer severe repeated climate impacts that devastate our economy and people. We are living through the collapse of ocean stability and witnessing a dangerous acceleration in sea-level rise and ocean temperatures. Our oceans are increasingly hostile even to the very creatures that live in them. The consequences of this will ripple through the entire food chain, hitting vulnerable countries like Vanuatu the hardest and ultimately affecting all of humanity and future generations. The role of our ocean as our greatest carbon sink is being threatened. 'The Nice Ocean Action Plan aligns with the standards set by the landmark International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) Advisory Opinion delivered in May 2024, which made it clear: greenhouse gas emissions are marine pollution. And under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, all States are legally bound to prevent, reduce, and control them. This obligation extends not only to domestic emissions but to global ones as well. 'Even so, plans like these are voluntary. Promises without enforcement. Declarations without duty. 'Protecting the ocean from climate change should not be a matter of choice. We need concrete mechanisms and independent monitoring to ensure that nations uphold their legal responsibilities. Conferences like this one, and the upcoming COP30, must not leave frontline nations feeling that nothing is changing — despite the overwhelming urgency. 'It is time to move beyond voluntary pledges to making climate action a binding legal duty.' Climate action must be grounded in a robust framework of legal principles: human rights, the right to self-determination, the duty to prevent harm, precautionary approaches, intergenerational equity, and obligations enshrined in key international treaties — from the Biodiversity Convention to the UNFCCC to the Law of the Sea. 'That's why we eagerly await the International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion on the broader climate obligations of nations, in hopes of a strong ruling supporting global accountability for the climate crisis and enforceable climate action. 'It's time for States to catch up with the law, with the science, and with the urgency of this moment.'
Reuters
01-04-2025
- Business
- Reuters
China's to sell first global green sovereign bond on Wednesday
LONDON, April 1 (Reuters) - China is set to finalise its long-awaited debut global green sovereign bond on Wednesday in what is expected to be the first in a series of sales that will expand its footprint in the market at a pivotal time. Having signalled it was ready last month, top Chinese finance ministry officials laid out the details at a meeting with investors in London on Tuesday, where the 6 billion yuan ($825 million) bond is set to be issued on the London Stock Exchange. The green bond market has ballooned to be worth roughly $3 trillion in recent years. China's firms, including state-run ones, have contributed significantly to that growth, but international investors have long been waiting for the government to make its move for years. Chinese Finance Ministry's Director General Yu Hong and his Deputy Director General Xing Chaohong outlined that it would come in two parts - one with a 3-year maturity - or end date - and the second with 5-year maturity. Both will have fixed interest rates. They are expected to be sub 2% although it will depend on demand during the formal sale process which is being overseen by no fewer than eight banks from both China and Europe. A Chinese global bond - one issued in one of the main international finance centres - has long been anticipated given the country's size. China's plan finally emerged earlier this year after British Finance Minister Rachel Reeves met China's Vice Premier He Lifeng in Beijing to discuss "pragmatic co-operation" on financial services, trade, investment and climate issues. China is the world's largest producer of climate-warming greenhouse gases, but has said it wants to bring its carbon dioxide emissions to a peak before 2030 and become carbon neutral by 2060. In February, the finance ministry published its green bond framework, calling it an effort to "attract international funds to support domestic green and low-carbon development." It flagged Climate Change Mitigation, Climate Change Adaptation, Natural Resource Conservation, Pollution Prevention and Control and Biodiversity Conservation as its five key priorities. One investor who attended Tuesday's meeting said some of the details on what exactly the money raised would be used for included the country's electric vehicle charging network and its national parks. ($1 = 7.2697 Chinese yuan renminbi)
