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Scroll.in
23-06-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
From the biography: How freedom fighter MC Davar tried to prevent the partition of India
MC Davar's first meeting with Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in Calcutta is not recorded, but in his interview to the NMML Davar recalls meeting the great leader a few years later in Dalhousie: It was 1938 and I went to Dalhousie and there Subhas Chandra Bose was staying as a guest of Dr Dharam Vir…I went to see Sardar Joginder Singh Mann, who became afterwards a Minister and Speaker of the Punjab Assembly. I had gone to treat his wife. Subhas Bose was there and he said: 'Dr Davar, I had wished long ago that you should stop your practice and take up the work which you were doing in Calcutta, that is revolutionary work. But today's revolutionary work, political activities and sufferings of all of us are going waste due to the simple reason that Muslim League comes in the way, and so why should we not devote all our time for unity of Hindus and Muslims?' Dr Davar replied: 'The task is very difficult, moreover this requires a great deal of patience.' But [Bose] said: 'I know your capacity and the way you are tackling the problems…I wish you could leave the practice or depend only on your practice for a few hours to earn your bread, and devote all your time to Hindu-Muslim unity, and especially Congress-Muslim League understanding.' This conversation with Subhas Bose made a deep impact on young Davar's mind. As the new year began, he met Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, the Liberal leader who exactly ten years ago at the Calcutta session of the Congress, presided over by Motilal Nehru, had made a brave attempt to reconcile the differences between the Congress and Muslim League over the provisions of the 'Nehru Report'. The All India Parties Conference of 1927 had authorised Motilal Nehru to prepare a report on the Constitution of free India that would address the concerns of the Muslims in a country with a dominant Hindu population. But the report was rejected by the Muslim League, and an early opportunity, two decades before independence, for keeping India united was lost. The Muslim League's demand for the partition of India and the carving out of a separate Muslim country grew stronger and louder. When the now 26-year-old Davar met Tej Bahadur Sapru in Delhi, where he now lived after spending almost eight years in Calcutta during and after his Homoeopathy studies, he suggested to the veteran leader that he should call another All Parties Conference, like the one in 1927 which had resulted in the Nehru Report. Things might turn out differently this time. Initially hesitant, on health grounds, Sapru finally gave in to Davar's persuasion, and agreed to call an All Parties Conference. Meanwhile, the Aga Khan came to Delhi and met Sir Mohammed Yakub, the Deputy Chairman of the Central Assembly, and later Commerce Member of the Viceroy's Executive Council. Dr Davar received a message from Yakub that he was unwell and wanted homoeopathic treatment as by now, through word of mouth, many eminent people had come to know that Dr Davar was 'the best' homoeopath in Delhi. When the Doctor was examining his patient, the latter said: 'Dr Davar, why should you not do anything for the country? His Highness the Aga Khan came to me yesterday. He was feeling miserable that people are not united here. I'm suffering from fever but just talking to you I'm getting much relief. Why don't you take up this work?' To Davar's answer that he had decided 'to do his humble bit', Yakub replied, 'You can do much more, you have better capacity to do it.' Davar told Mohammed Yakub: 'Then with your blessings and His Highness Aga Khan's blessings, and also as advised by my leader, Netaji Subhas Bose, I will take up this work.' Yakub then advised Davar to go to Lahore and meet Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, the then Prime Minister of Punjab who was totally against the partition of the country. Yakub also gave him a letter of introduction to the Punjab premier. This was the beginning of the year 1940. After his meeting with Mohd. Yakub Khan, Davar left for Lahore the very next day by Frontier Mail. So passionate was he to the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity – the only way, he felt, the partition of the country could be prevented – that he didn't care that he was leaving his newly married wife, Lila Vati (not Dr Lilavati, whom he had met earlier in Calcutta), alone in their rented flat in Connaught Place. But fortunately for Lila Vati, she had parents residing in Karol Bagh, which was not far from the couple's flat. It was a biting cold morning, in the first week of February 1940, when Davar reached Lahore railway station. After a bath at the residence of his cousin Chaman Lal, he went straight to the bungalow of Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan. Before he could hand him the letter of introduction given by Mohd. Yakub, Hayat Khan said, 'Don't bother about the letter, I know the purpose of your coming here.' Obviously Mohd. Yakub had telephoned Hayat Khan about Davar's mission at his instance. As Davar was about to begin talking, the brother-in-law of the Punjab premier, Mir Maqbool Mahmud, the brain behind the Unionist Party, arrived and joined the talks. In a lighter vein, Hayat Khan told his brother-in-law, 'Look, Maqbool, Davar has left Punjab, and with it, Punjabi too.' Davar told him this had happened because of the influence of the cosmopolitan culture of Delhi, where one gets used to speaking more in Hindustani or English. But for the remaining conversation, he spoke in Punjabi. Davar presented 26 points against Partition, one of which read: If Pakistan comes into being, it is not the Hindus only who will suffer, but the Muslims will suffer much more, and along with Muslims, naturally, India will suffer and, along with India, the whole of Asia will suffer, and one day Pakistan will become a danger to world peace. When Davar was on the 13th point, Maqbool interrupted and said, 'Dr Sahib, there is no need to go further. We have fully understood your views and appreciate the points you have enumerated here.' Sikandar Hayat told Davar to convey to Sir Mohd. Yakub and the Aga Khan that 'Punjab will remain for all Punjabis – Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. As long as Sikandar lives, there will be no Pakistan; no partition of Punjab. And if no partition of Punjab takes place, there will be no Pakistan…Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and all others will enjoy equal opportunities, all are my own kith and kin, we Punjabis cannot be divided.' After a week, Sikandar Hayat came to Delhi, where Sir Mohd Yakub and Davar met him and the three of them had a long discussion at the end of which Sir Sikandar repeated his pledge: 'Jab tak Sikandar ke dum me dum hai, koi partition nahi hoga. (As long as Sikander breathes, there will be no partition.)' But soon after he returned to Lahore, an extremely violent incident took place in which many Muslims were killed in a clash with the police who were trying to prevent them from forcibly taking over a Gurudwara. The situation thus became tense just before the Muslim League session was to take place. This was the session in which Muhammad Ali Jinnah had planned to pass the famous 'Lahore Resolution' demanding Pakistan. But he knew that the Punjab premier was strongly opposed to the demand. However, the Gurudwara incident had adversely affected Sikandar Hayat's image, and Jinnah grabbed this opportunity. Through his emissaries, he managed to have the Punjab leader attend the session. Once there, Sikandar Hayat was asked to second the resolution for Pakistan moved by Fazlul Haq, Vice President of the Muslim League of Bengal. In the charged atmosphere of the session, it became impossible for Sikandar Hayat to decline, and he stood up only to say, 'I second the resolution.' He did not say a word after that and immediately left the meeting. Davar met Sikandar at Shimla a month later and asked him point blank: 'Sir Sikandar, what have you done?' The Punjab premier replied: 'What could I have done when the situation was such? The whole Muslim community would have risen in revolt if I had not spoken. But I assure you again that I will honour my pledge made earlier.' When Hayat Khan returned to Lahore, he was invited to speak at the Islamia College. There, true to his word to Davar, he spoke passionately against Partition, and warned that if Pakistan came into existence, Muslims would suffer much more than any other community. His speech came as a great relief to all his followers and admirers, Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs alike. But the Lahore Resolution of the Muslim League created an atmosphere that led to the widening of the already growing Hindu-Muslim differences. Excerpted with permission from He Almost Prevented Partition: The Life and Times of Dr MC Davar, Praveen Davar, Speaking Tiger Books.
The Wire
12-06-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
M.C. Davar's Behind-the-Scenes Role in Trying to Stop Partition
Excerpted with permission from He Almost Prevented Partition: The Life and Times of M.C. Davar (Speaking Tiger). Why the Shimla Conference failed is recorded by [then Viceroy Lord] Wavell: 'He (Jinnah ) refused even to discuss names unless he could be given the absolute right to select all Muslims and some guarantee that any decisions which the Muslims opposed in Council could only be passed by a two-thirds majority – in fact a communal veto. I said these conditions were entirely unacceptable.' Praveen Davar He Almost Prevented Partition: The Life and Times of M.C. Davar Speaking Tiger, 2025 Dr [M.C.] Davar, who was so passionately devoted to the prevention of Partition, made sure that he was present in Shimla for the entire duration of the Conference which lasted for almost 15 days in June-July 1945. While he was there, staying at the house of Sanjiva Roy, Chairman of the Federal Public Service Commission, one day at 11 PM, he got a telephone call from Mrs Rajen Nehru asking him to reach the Grand Hotel. When Dr Davar reached within less than twenty minutes, he found her hotel room packed: it was full of a dozen frontline leaders of the Muslim League – all members of the League Working Committee. They included Khaliq-ur-Rahman, Mohd. Ismail and Abdul Majid Sindhi. Rajen Nehru wanted Davar to convey to Pt Nehru that these Muslim League members were prepared to resign from the working committee of their party if Jinnah remains adamant on his condition of having only Muslims from the League. On being asked by Davar why she couldn't speak to Jawaharlal herself being a close relative, Rajen replied that 'your work in this field is well known and you will be able to convince Panditji.' So under tremendous pressure from Rajen Nehru, Davar after speaking to the League leaders left for Armsdale, where Nehru was staying. When he reached there at almost twenty minutes past midnight, he found Dharam Yash Dev, a local personal assistant of Nehru's, waiting for Panditji to return from dinner at Mashobra from where he was, as per his habit, walking back. It was thirty minutes past midnight when Panditji reached, he asked Dharam the purpose of being awake so late. Dharam replied pointing towards Davar that 'Doctor Sahib's business seems to be more important.' Panditji then said: 'Davar, come in' while entering the house. But he could not find the switch to put on the light. Then Dharam Yash Dev came to his rescue and found the switch at the bottom of a wall while Nehru and Davar were trying to locate the switch on the middle of the wall. Davar narrates: 'Now Panditji said, 'sit down Davar.' We sat down on the sofa, and he asked what brought me here to which I replied 12 League members are at Grand Hotel and want to meet you… 'What for do they want to meet me? ' asked Panditji. I said: 'Jinnah is pressing for 5 seats as Liaqat Ali got in writing from Bhulabhai Desai that League will get 5, Congress 5 and others 3. Now Maulana Azad is demanding one seat for Nationalist Muslims as also the Unionist Party of Khizar Hayat Khan. So Jinnah is adamant…he wants all five Muslim seats…that is why this Conference seems to fail and that is why they want to meet you.' Then Panditji asked why should they not meet Maulana? (Davar narrated to Panditji details of his meeting with Azad five years ago at Kolkata wherein Maulana after great persuasion had agreed to bless his efforts for Congress-League unity but now seemed to be backing out.) But Panditji, though partially convinced, kept insisting that they must Maulana and that 'I will not interfere in Maulana's work.' (Despite Davar telling Nehru that Muslims of India had more faith in him than any leader, and these 12 League leaders were ready to ditch Jinnah provided he 'holds their hand ', Nehru refused to listen). [Davar says,] 'When I told him that I was the original author of the Liaqat-Desai formula, which actually is Davar -Sultan formula, Panditji remarked: 'Oh, then you are the person who has put us in trouble.' After I left I rang up Dharam Yash as I had left my umbrella there. Dharam told me Panditji had guessed it was your umbrella which is lying safely, but your discussion with him created a deep impression on him, and he kept asking me about you, though he appeared to know about your homoeopathic and revolutionary background.' Deeply disappointed, Davar left Simla in the morning, but before doing so dropped a line at Wavell's house telling the Viceroy about his meeting with Pt Nehru who did not agree to his suggestion of meeting the Muslim League members. He therefore concluded that the Simla Conference would fail. That it failed was not only due to Jinnah's intransigence, equally it was because of Wavell's lack of firmness. HV Hodson, who was the Reforms Commissioner in 1941-42, wrote in his memoirs, The Great Divide : 'Lord Wavell had in effect capitulated to Jinnah… Mr Jinnah's control of the Muslim League was at that time far from complete. The Unionist Party was still strong, and Mr Liaqat Ali Khan favoured a settlement. There were still many uncommitted Muslims in the country. It is arguable that if the Viceroy had been as adamant as Mr Jinnah, the latter would have been obliged to give in; that the destruction of the Unionist Party, which paved the way for partition of Punjab,would have averted.' But probably Wavell also could not forget so soon that it was the Congress which had challenged the Empire with the Quit India Movement during the period when he, as the Commander-in-Chief himself, had to bear the brunt, and hence he let Jinnah sabotage the Conference which would also please Churchill who was, naturally, in sympathy towards the 'enemy's enemy'. But within two weeks, Churchill's Conservative Party lost elections, displaying the maturity of the British electorate that victory in war was no passport to better governance in peace times. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
