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Time of India
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Workplace reform: Women may soon be allowed night shifts in Delhi; labour department told to amend laws
NEW DELHI: Delhi govt has directed the labour department to make necessary changes in laws to allow women to work night shifts, but only with their consent. Officials said the directions were issued during a meeting chaired by lieutenant governor VK Saxena, which was also attended by chief minister Rekha Gupta, some of her colleagues in the council of ministers, and top city bureaucrats. The meeting aimed to review the status and progress of various aspects related to the flagship schemes, 'ease of doing business' and 'maximum governance - minimum government'. Officials mentioned that the previous Delhi govt gave its nod to do away with section 66(1)(b) of the Factories Act of 1948. This section stated that no woman shall be required or allowed to work in any factory except between the hours of 6 am and 7 pm. The govt also approved the draft of the Delhi Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Rules, 2023, which allowed women to work during night shifts. However, these provisions were never implemented on the ground. You Can Also Check: Delhi AQI | Weather in Delhi | Bank Holidays in Delhi | Public Holidays in Delhi Poll Do you support the decision to allow women to work night shifts with their consent? Yes No Saxena stated that restrictive and archaic laws, processes, and regulatory regimes hampered and discouraged businesses and economic activities. LG and the chief minister asserted that progress during the last 11 years was "far from satisfactory" and that difficulty in doing business led to a situation where industries and businesses shifted to other states. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like People Aged 50-85 With No Life Insurance Could Get This Reassured Get Quote Undo They issued a slew of directions to re-engineer the govt processes. Officials said the labour department was also directed to ensure all safeguards by amending the Delhi Shops and Establishment Act and by issuing suitable notifications under the Factories Act. It was also directed to amend the Delhi Shops and Establishment Act to increase the threshold of the minimum number of employees from one to 10 for the applicability of the Act and to allow shops/establishments to work 24x7. Directions were also issued to increase the threshold of workers from 100 to 200 in the Industrial Dispute Act for seeking permission for closure. LG and CM asked the fire department to empanel agencies for a third-party audit. "Large commercial and industrial establishments may be allowed to get NOC on the audit certificate of empanelled agencies. Small establishments may be given an option for third-party audit. An expression of interest can be floated immediately," the official said. It was also stressed that the Delhi Pollution Control Committee should reduce the time to give consent to operate to 20 days, after which it should be a deemed approval, and should allow self-certification for MSME in both green and white industries. The revenue department has been asked to give a fresh look at section 81 and 33 of the Delhi Land Reforms Act, which make the transfer and sale of agricultural land and mutation almost impossible. The Information Technology Department was instructed to make a single-window portal for all kinds of NOCs.
Time of India
02-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Delhi govt directs labour dept to allow women to work night shifts with consent
New Delhi: Delhi govt has directed the labour department to make necessary changes in laws to allow women to work night shifts, but only with their consent. Officials said the directions were issued during a meeting chaired by lieutenant governor VK Saxena, which was also attended by chief minister Rekha Gupta, some of her colleagues in the council of ministers, and top city bureaucrats. The meeting aimed to review the status and progress of various aspects related to the flagship schemes, 'ease of doing business' and 'maximum governance - minimum government'. Officials mentioned that the previous Delhi govt gave its nod to do away with section 66(1)(b) of the Factories Act of 1948. This section stated that no woman shall be required or allowed to work in any factory except between the hours of 6 am and 7 pm. The govt also approved the draft of the Delhi Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Rules, 2023, which allowed women to work during night shifts. However, these provisions were never implemented on the ground. You Can Also Check: Delhi AQI | Weather in Delhi | Bank Holidays in Delhi | Public Holidays in Delhi Saxena stated that restrictive and archaic laws, processes, and regulatory regimes hampered and discouraged businesses and economic activities. LG and the chief minister asserted that progress during the last 11 years was "far from satisfactory" and that difficulty in doing business led to a situation where industries and businesses shifted to other states. They issued a slew of directions to re-engineer the govt processes. Officials said the labour department was also directed to ensure all safeguards by amending the Delhi Shops and Establishment Act and by issuing suitable notifications under the Factories Act. It was also directed to amend the Delhi Shops and Establishment Act to increase the threshold of the minimum number of employees from one to 10 for the applicability of the Act and to allow shops/establishments to work 24x7. Directions were also issued to increase the threshold of workers from 100 to 200 in the Industrial Dispute Act for seeking permission for closure. LG and CM asked the fire department to empanel agencies for a third-party audit. "Large commercial and industrial establishments may be allowed to get NOC on the audit certificate of empanelled agencies. Small establishments may be given an option for third-party audit. An expression of interest can be floated immediately," the official said. It was also stressed that the Delhi Pollution Control Committee should reduce the time to give consent to operate to 20 days, after which it should be a deemed approval, and should allow self-certification for MSME in both green and white industries. The revenue department has been asked to give a fresh look at section 81 and 33 of the Delhi Land Reforms Act, which make the transfer and sale of agricultural land and mutation almost impossible. The Information Technology Department was instructed to make a single-window portal for all kinds of NOCs. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Doctor's Day 2025 , messages and quotes!
The Wire
18-06-2025
- Business
- The Wire
‘Lazy' Workforce or ‘Arrogant' Government? Row Over Andhra Ordinance Allowing Ten-Hour Workdays
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Government 'Lazy' Workforce or 'Arrogant' Government? Row Over Andhra Ordinance Allowing Ten-Hour Workdays Pavan Korada 35 minutes ago The government's stand that the extra hour is optional is met with deep scepticism by workers. Workers on the job at a foundry in Hyderabad. Photo: Rajesh Pamnani/Flickr/CC BY NC ND 2.0. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now New Delhi: In the official vocabulary of the Andhra Pradesh government, the word is 'flexibility'. It's a clean, modern term used to justify a new ordinance allowing factories and private firms to extend the length of the standard workday from nine hours to ten. According to the government, this is not about compulsion, but choice. Telugu Desam Party (TDP) spokesperson Deepak Reddy frames the policy as a move that simply 'removes an illegality', enabling companies and willing employees to agree to an extra hour of work. But on factory floors and in the state's industrial belts, that explanation is viewed by many as a threat. For workers like Ramesh, a middle-aged factory operator, the language is a dangerous distortion. 'For whom is this flexibility?' he asked The Wire. 'The company now has the flexibility to demand another hour of my life. I have the 'flexibility' to either say yes or be marked as a troublemaker and lose my job.' He added, 'When one person has a stomach to feed and the other has a profit to make, it is not a negotiation. It is a demand. The government says the law removes 'illegality'. No, it legalises exploitation.' Ramesh's poignant words throw into sharp relief the deep chasm over one of Andhra Pradesh's most contentious new policies. Introduced as an ordinance by the National Democratic Alliance coalition government without legislative debate, the amendment to the foundational Factories Act of 1948 has reignited a debate, pitting the government's push for investment against the rights of its workforce. The government's case: a pitch for global investment The official narrative, articulated by information and public relations minister Kolusu Parthasarathy, is one of pragmatic necessity. 'You are in a global economy,' TDP spokesperson Reddy told The Wire. 'If you come up with a large number of laws compared to what China has, how are you going to compete with China?'. The argument is that to attract global capital, Andhra must offer competitive conditions. The key changes introduced by the ordinance, news of which circulated starting June 7, are: The maximum daily work hours are extended from nine to ten. The cap on overtime hours per quarter is nearly doubled, from 75 to 144. The continuous work period required to earn a 30-minute break is increased from five hours to six. Restrictions on women working night shifts have been eased, a move minister Parthasarathy bills as a step toward gender empowerment that will help women 'contribute to industrial growth'. Reddy insists the extra hour is not compulsory. 'Whether somebody wants to follow that or not is based on their discretion,' he says, describing a state with a skilled labour shortage where companies are eager to pay more for extra hours. The reality on the ground: 'An illusion of choice' This narrative, however, is met with deep scepticism on the factory floor. Trinadh, a young worker, told The Wire that he sees the law not as an offer but as a directive that removes any real choice. 'The government says it's not compulsory. I want to invite any government official to come to the factory floor at 6 pm when the supervisor is standing there with the overtime sheet. Let's see who has the real power to say 'no',' Trinadh said. 'This law doesn't give us a choice; it gives the company a weapon. They will say, 'The law allows ten hours, why are you only working nine?' It becomes the new normal, and anyone who resists is seen as lazy or inefficient. It's a trap.' Opposition parties and civil society groups agree. 'The state is under pressure from the [Union] government to amend rules to appease big industrialists,' said Communist Party of India (Marxist) state secretary V. Srinivasa Rao, arguing the changes 'will only make the workers slaves'. The Human Rights Forum was more blunt, describing the law as 'an irresponsible and deliberate assault on labour rights and dignity' and demanding its rollback. A 'lazy' workforce or an 'arrogant' government? When pressed by The Wire on the risk of coercion, Reddy suggested that state welfare schemes have made some people unwilling to work. 'The welfare schemes are making a lot of people too comfortable,' he stated. When asked if this is the government's 'opinion' or a 'fact', he insisted on the latter. 'They are very choosy about what [work they want to do] … They want only IT-related jobs sitting under the fan or AC.' This claim has drawn criticism, particularly as the government had, for the first year of its term, largely delayed the implementation of its own flagship 'Super Six' welfare schemes. For workers, the comment is seen as a profound insult. Lakshmi, a mother working in an electronics assembly unit, told The Wire: 'Lazy? I wake at 4 am to cook for my family, work for nine hours on my feet looking at tiny circuits, come home to cook again, clean and care for my daughter. 'That little money from the welfare scheme – the one they delayed – helps me buy her milk and schoolbooks. To call us 'lazy' is a deep insult from a man who has never known a day of our lives.' A senior trade union organiser from the All India Bank Employees' Association, on the condition of anonymity, described this as a calculated political strategy. 'This is a classic 'blame the victim' tactic,' she told The Wire. 'First, you create an economic environment that suppresses wages. Then, when workers demand dignity, you label them 'choosy'. Finally, when they rely on promised welfare, you brand them 'lazy'. It's a narrative to justify stripping away their rights. The problem isn't a lazy workforce; it's an arrogant government.' A 'solution for a file, not a woman in the dark' Disconnect between official policy and lived reality is also evident on the issue of women's safety. With the new law relaxing restrictions on night shifts, the government's proposed safeguard is the appointment of a 'nodal officer' for every company. Lakshmi, speaking to The Wire, explained why she believes this solution is inadequate. 'The government talks about a 'nodal officer'. Will this officer walk with me down the dark lane to my house at 1 am? Will he be there when a group of men are standing at the corner?' she asks. 'A nodal officer is a phone number on a poster inside the factory. It is a solution for a government file, not for a woman alone in the dark. We need guaranteed, door-to-door, secure transport. Anything less is just an empty promise.' Andhra's approach contrary to Tamil Nadu's The path Andhra Pradesh is charting stands in stark contrast to some of its neighbours. In 2023, Tamil Nadu's Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government passed a similar Bill, only to withdraw it after widespread protests. Chief minister M.K. Stalin called the withdrawal 'a matter of pride', declaring his government would 'not compromise on the welfare of the workers'. Andhra Pradesh appears determined to ignore this precedent. The government speaks of gross state domestic product, global value chains and skill censuses. But for the people who will power this new economy, the language is simpler. They speak of exhaustion, of time stolen from children and of a fundamental right being legislated away. For them, the government isn't building a new future, but dismantling a hard-won promise codified in the first flush of India's independence: a life with dignity, earned in eight hours, not demanded in ten. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News Former IAS Officer Claims Andhra Unduly Favoured Varun Group in Tourism Push; Govt Denies Wrongdoing Why the New Labour Codes Do Little for Indian Workers Senior Journalist in Andhra Pradesh Arrested Over Talk Show Panelist's Remarks; Triggers Political Uproar Why Andhra Pradesh's Rollback of the Doorstep Ration Delivery Project Betrays Adivasi Communities Andhra's U-turn on Appealing Tuni Arson Verdict Spotlights Clout of Kapu Community Andhra: N. Chandrababu Naidu and His Ministers – Including 8 First-Time MLAs – Take Oath India's Broken Promise to Bonded Labourers AP: Reports of Govt's Planned Incentives for ArcelorMittal-Nippon Steel Reveal Its True Priorities Why the Strait of Hormuz is Critical to Global Oil Supplies About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.
The Hindu
13-06-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Andhra Pradesh Cabinet amends labour laws; approves 10-hour workday for labourers
The State Cabinet, in its recent meeting, approved proposals to amend several provisions in the Factories Act of 1948 — Sections 54, 55, 56, 59, 64, 65, and 66 — related to labour, factories, boilers, and insurance medical services. It also approved amendments to Sections 9, 10, 16, 17, and 73 of the Andhra Pradesh Shops and Establishments Act (1988). Information and Public Relations (I&PR) Minister Kolusu Parathasarathy said these amendments were being made to be more favourable to investors as part of the Ease of Doing Business reforms. He also said the decision to allow women to work in night shifts was part of removing gender discrimination in the industrial sector and promoting empowerment. The working hours for labourers were increased, he said. While the practical workday had already shifted from eight hours to nine, the Cabinet decision increased it further to 10 hours. Currently, workers are entitled to a 30-minute break after every five hours of work. Under the new rule, they will have to work six hours to earn a break. Previously, workers were allowed to work 50 to 75 hours of overtime per quarter. Now that limit has been extended to 144 hours. In reality, overtime is supposed to be voluntary extra work. But in practice, it has long become a compulsory burden dictated by employers. With the new decision, the pressure of overtime on workers will only increase. The State government has also made night shifts mandatory for women. The Cabinet recommended that corporations provide facilities such as CCTV cameras, lighting, and security to enable women to work at night. However, no mention was made regarding arrangements for women with children. The Cabinet also failed to clarify whether night work would be compulsory or voluntary for women.
Wakala News
07-06-2025
- General
- Wakala News
‘Open prison': The forced labour driving India's $5 trillion economy dream
Amid the relentless clatter of machinery, Ravi Kumar Gupta feeds a roaring steel furnace with scrap, blown metal and molten iron. He carefully adds chemicals tailored to the type of steel being produced, adjusting fuel and airflow with precision to keep the furnace running smoothly. As his shift ends about 4pm, he stops briefly at a roadside tea shop just outside the gates of the steel factory in Maharashtra state's Tarapur Industrial Area. His safety helmet is still on, but his feet, instead of being shielded by boots, are in worn-out slippers – scant protection against the molten metal he works with. His eyes are bloodshot with exhaustion, and his green, full-sleeved shirt and faded, torn blue jeans are stained with grease and sweat. Four years after migrating from Barabanki, a district in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, Ravi earns $175 per month – $25 less than India's monthly per capita income. And the paycheques are often delayed, arriving only between the 10th and 12th of each month. Middlemen, who are either locals or longterm migrants posing as locals, supply labour to factories in Maharashtra, India's industrial heartland. In return, the middlemen skim between $11 and $17 from each worker's wages. In addition, $7 is deducted monthly from their pay for canteen food, which consists of limited portions of rice, dal and vegetables for lunch, as well as evening tea. Asked why he continues to work at the steel factory, Ravi responds with resignation in his voice: 'What else can I do?' Giving up his job isn't an option. His family – two young daughters in school, his wife and mother who work on their small plot of farmland, and his ailing father who is unable to work – depend on the $100 a month that he is able to send home. Climate change, he says, has 'ruined farming', the family's traditional occupation. 'The rains don't come when they should. The land no longer feeds us. And where are the jobs in our village? There's nothing left. So, like the others, I left,' he says, his thick, calloused hands wrapped around a cup of tea. Ravi is a cog in the wheel of the soaring dreams of the world's fifth-largest economy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has boldly spoken of making India a $5 trillion economy, up from $3.5 trillion in 2023. But as Modi's government woos global investors and assures them that it is easy today to do business in India, Ravi is among millions of workers whose stories of withheld wages, endless toil and coercion – telltale signs of forced labour, according to the United Nations' International Labour Organization (ILO) – provide a haunting snapshot of the ugly underbelly of the country's economy. Farm to furnace The Factories Act of 1948, which governs working conditions in steel mills like the one where Ravi works, mandates annual paid leave for workers who have been employed for 240 days or more in a year. However, workers like Ravi do not receive paid leave. Any day taken off is unpaid, regardless of the reason. Like many others, Ravi is required to work all seven days a week, totalling 30 days a month, despite the fact that Sundays were officially declared a weekly holiday for all labourers in India as far back as 1890. Workers in many Indian factories do not receive a salary slip detailing their earnings and deductions. This lack of transparency leaves them in the dark about how much money has been deducted – or why. Worse still, if a worker is absent for three or four consecutive days, their entry card is deactivated. Upon returning, they are treated as a new employee. This reclassification affects their eligibility for important benefits such as the provident fund and end-of-service gratuity. In many cases, workers are forced to rejoin under these unfair terms simply because their pending wages – either direct from the company or via the middlemen – have not been paid. Walking away would mean forfeiting their hard-earned money. In addition to all this, Ravi confirms that neither he nor his colleagues, both in his company and in nearby factories within the industrial area, have received any written contracts outlining their job roles or employment benefits. According to a 2025 study (PDF) published in the Indian Journal of Legal Review, many workers face exploitation through unfair contracts, wage theft and forced labour due to the absence of written agreements. These practices particularly affect more vulnerable groups like migrants, women and low-skilled workers, who often have limited access to legal recourse. Al Jazeera contacted the Maharashtra Labour Commissioner on May 20 seeking a response to concerns around forced labour in industries where workers like Ravi are employed, but has not received a reply. There is also the absence of adequate safety gear: Ravi works near the furnace, where temperatures cross 50 degrees Celsius (122 degrees Fahrenheit). But workers aren't provided with protective glass. 'Neither the middlemen nor the employer gives us even the most basic safety gear,' he says. Yet, helplessness wins. 'We know how dangerous it is. We know what we need to stay safe,' he says. 'But what choice do we have? 'When you're desperate, you have no choice but to adapt to these harsh, uncertain conditions,' he said. 'If I get thrown out, what then?' In the port town of Kakinada, along India's Bay of Bengal coast – about 1,400km (870 miles) from where Ravi works – 47-year-old Sumitha Salomi earns even less than him. A shrimp peeler, Sumitha has no formal job contract with the factory where she works. Like many others, she has been hired through a contractor – a woman from her own village. The factory, a heavily fortified facility that exports peeled vannamei shrimp to the United States, employs migrant workers from the neighbouring state of Odisha and other regions. The premises are tightly guarded, and access is strictly controlled. But in the villages where the factory's workers live, a common story emerges: None of them have written contracts. No one has social security or health benefits. The only work gear they have are gloves and caps – not for their safety, but to maintain hygiene standards for the exported shrimp. India exported shrimp worth $2.7bn to the US in the 2023-24 fiscal year, according to official figures. Sumitha explains that her pay depends on the weight of the shrimp she peels. 'The only break we get is about 30 minutes for lunch. For women, even when we're in severe menstrual pain, there's no rest, no relief. We just keep working,' she says. She earns about $4.50 a day. She knows the precarity of her job. Her wages are handed to her in cash, without any payslip, leaving her with no way to contest what she receives. As a divorced mother, Sumitha carries the burden of multiple responsibilities. She's still repaying loans she took for her elder daughter's marriage, while also trying to keep her younger daughter in school. On top of that, she cares for her elderly widowed mother who needs cancer medication that costs about $10 a month. But she does not question the factory bosses about her working conditions or the absence of a written contract. 'I have a job – contract or no contract. That's what matters,' she says, her voice stoic. 'There are no other jobs here in this village. If I start asking questions and get thrown out, what then?' Unlike seasoned veteran Sumitha, 23-year-old Minnu Samay is still grappling with the harsh realities of her job in the seafood industry. Minnu, a migrant worker from the eastern state of Odisha, is employed at a shrimp processing factory located within the high-security Krishnapatnam Port area in Nellore, about 500km (310 mile) south of Kakinada. Migrant workers like Minnu are allowed to leave the factory just once a week for about three hours, mainly to buy essentials in Muthukur, a village 10km (6 miles) from the factory. As she hurries through the narrow market lanes, picking up sanitary pads and snacks during this brief window of freedom, she tells her story. 'I was 19 when I left home. Poverty forced me. My parents were deep in debt after marrying off my two sisters. It was hard to survive,' Minnu says. 'So when we met an agent in our town, he arranged this job here.' Slowly, she has learned while on the job, cutting and peeling shrimp. Minnu earns approximately $110 per month. 'We know we're being exploited, our freedom is restricted, we have no health insurance or proper rights, and we're constantly under surveillance,' she says. 'But like many of my coworkers, we don't have other options. We just adjust and keep going.' Most overtime work is not paid, she said. 'We're watched by cameras every moment, trapped in what feels like an open prison,' she says. On May 20, Al Jazeera sent queries to the Andhra Pradesh Labour Department, and on May 22, to the Indian Ministry of Labour, seeking responses to concerns over widespread forced labour in industries where workers like Sumitha and Minnu are employed. Kakinada and Nellore are in Andhra Pradesh state. Neither the Andhra Pradesh Labour Department nor the federal Indian Ministry of Labour has responded. Labour rights experts say that these stories lay bare the urgent need for enforceable contracts, the abolition of exploitative hiring practices and initiatives to educate workers about their rights – vital measures to combat forced labour in India's unorganised and semi-organised sectors. On March 24, India's federal Labour Minister Shobha Karandlaje told parliament that approximately 307 million unorganised workers (PDF), including migrant workers, were registered under an Indian government scheme. But researchers say that the true scale of India's unorganised workforce is likely even larger. 'Concealed' forced labour Benoy Peter, executive director of the Centre for Migration and Inclusive Development (CMID), a civil society organisation based in the southern Indian state of Kerala, cited a document (PDF) from India's National Sample Survey Organization, which said that the country's total workforce is approximately 470 million in strength. Of this, about 80 million workers are in the organised sector, while the remaining 390 million – more than the entire population of the United States – are in the unorganised sector. The UN International Labour Organization's India Employment Report 2024 (PDF) supports Benoy's observation, stating that low-quality jobs in the informal sector and informal employment are the dominant forms of work in India. The ILO report said that 90 percent of India's workforce is 'informally employed'. And many of these workers are victims of forced or bonded labour. India ratified the ILO's Forced Labour Convention 29 in 1954 and abolished bonded labour in 1975. Yet, according to the Walk Free Foundation, India has the highest estimated number of people living in modern slavery worldwide, with 11.05 million individuals (eight in every 1,000) affected. The real numbers, again, are likely worse. In 2016, the then Indian Labour Minister Bandaru Dattatreya informed Parliament that the country had an estimated 18.4 million bonded labourers, and that the government was working to release and rehabilitate them by 2030. But in December 2021, when Indian parliamentarian Mohammad Jawed inquired (PDF) about this target in parliament, the government stated that only approximately 12,000 bonded labourers had been rescued and rehabilitated between 2016 and 2021. The textile sector is among the worst offenders. According to a parliamentary document from March this year, the southern Tamil Nadu state led textile and apparel exports, including handicrafts, with a value of $7.1bn. Gujarat, Modi's home state, followed in second place, exporting $5.7bn worth of these goods. Thivya Rakini, president of the Tamil Nadu Textile and Common Labour Union (TTCU), says that in a decade of visiting factories to work with garment workers, she has, in almost all instances, seen at least one – and often multiple – indicators of forced labour as defined by the ILO. Those indicators include intimidation, excessive overtime, withheld wages, sexual harassment, and physical violence, such as slapping or beating workers for failing to meet production targets. India's textiles industry has around 45 million workers, including 3.5 million handloom workers across the country. 'Forced labour in the textile industry is widespread and often concealed,' Thivya says. 'It's not a random occurrence. It stems directly from the business model of fashion brands. When brands pay suppliers low prices, demand large volumes on tight deadlines, and fail to ensure freedom of association or basic grievance mechanisms for workers, they create an environment ripe for forced labour.' Women make up 60-80 percent of the garment workforce, she says. 'Many lack formal contracts, earn less than men for the same work, and face frequent violence and harassment,' she said. Many are from marginalised groups – Dalits, migrants or single mothers – making them even more vulnerable in a patriarchal society. Other sectors are plagued by forced labour too. Transparentem, an independent, nonprofit organisation focused on uncovering and addressing human rights and environmental abuses in global supply chains, investigated 90 cotton farms in the central state of Madhya Pradesh from June 2022 to March 2023 and released its final report (PDF) in January 2025, uncovering child labour, forced labour and unsafe conditions: Children were handling pesticides without protection. 'No choice but to tolerate exploitation' Between 2019 and 2020, the Indian government consolidated 29 federal labour laws into four comprehensive codes. The stated aim of these reforms was to improve the ease of doing business while ensuring worker welfare. As part of this effort, the total number of compliance provisions was significantly reduced – from more than 1,200 to 479. However, while many states have drafted rules needed to implement these codes, there has still not been a nationwide rollout of these laws. Supporters of the new labour codes argue that they modernise outdated laws and provide greater legal clarity. Critics, however, particularly trade unions, warn that the reforms favour employers and dilute worker protections. One of the codes, for instance, makes it harder to register a workers union. A union must now have a minimum of 10 percent of the workers or 100 workers, whichever is less, in an establishment to be members of a union, a significant rise from the earlier requirement of just seven workers under the Trade Unions Act, 1926. Santosh Poonia from India Labour Line – a helpline initiative that supports workers, especially in the unorganised sector, by offering legal aid, mediation and counselling services – tells Al Jazeera that if workers are barred from forming unions, that would weaken their collective bargaining rights. 'Without these rights, they will have no choice but to tolerate exploitative working conditions,' he says. To Sanjay Ghose, a senior labour law lawyer practising at the Indian Supreme Court, the problem runs deeper than the new consolidated codes. 'The real issue is the failure to implement these laws effectively, which leaves workers vulnerable,' he says. Ghose warns that India's stagnating job creation could compound the exploitation and forced labour among workers. India's top engineering schools, the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), have long prided themselves on how the world's biggest banks, tech giants and other multinationals queue up at their gates each year to lure their graduates with massive pay packages. Yet, the percentage of graduates from the IITs who secure jobs as they leave school has dropped sharply, by 10 percentage points, since 2021, when the Indian economy took a major hit from COVID-19 – a hit it hasn't fully recovered from. 'Even graduates with high ranks from premier institutions like the IITs are struggling to secure job placements,' Ghose says. 'With limited options available, job seekers are forced to accept whatever work they can find. This leads to exploitation, unfair working conditions, and, in some cases, forced labour.' Pramod Kumar, a former United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) senior adviser, adds that weakened private investment and foreign direct investment (FDI) have made national growth largely dependent on government spending. Consequently, job opportunities are primarily limited to the informal sector, where unfair working conditions are prevalent, leading to exploitation and forced labour. Private sector investment in India dropped to a three-year low of 11.2 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in fiscal year 2024, down from the pre-COVID average of 11.8 percent (fiscal years 2016-2020), according to ratings firm India Ratings & Research. Additionally, FDI in India declined by 5.6 percent year-on-year to $10.9bn in the October-December quarter of the last fiscal year, driven by global economic uncertainties. Against that economic backdrop, Poonia, from the India Labour Line, says he can't see how the government plans to meet its ambitious target of rescuing 18 million bonded labourers in India. He said he expects the opposite. 'The situation is going to worsen when the ease of doing business is prioritised over human rights and workers' rights.'
