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Bangkok Post
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Not the right path to peace
Not the right path to peace Thai-Cambodian border tensions are close to boiling point after talks between the two sides failed to overcome the deep distrust between them, according to critics. Despite Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra hailing a recent Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) meeting in Phnom Penh to defuse border tensions a success, critics insist the talks lacked what was needed for achieving a sustained peace. The agenda was devoid of the central objective -- to try and resolve the Chong Bok dispute, along with three other border spats at the three ancient temple complexes of Ta Muen Thom, Ta Muen Toch, and Ta Kwai. This is because Cambodia had announced before the JBC meeting that it would proceed with its threat to take the Chong Bok and three other disputes to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague, despite Thailand not accepting the court's jurisdiction. It brought into question the effectiveness of the JBC as a primary bilateral mechanism for addressing technical and international legal matters related to border demarcation. The doubt was raised as former foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai slammed Cambodia for stoking tensions along the border to divert attention away from its own internal problems and exploit Thailand's political weakness. "Cambodia always does this when it has internal problems -- economic trouble or upcoming elections. They stir up border tensions to create a nationalist distraction," he said. He cited the dispute over the Preah Vihear temple area, where clashes between Thailand and Cambodia took place more than a decade ago. He warned that the current border row may follow the same trajectory, leading to an armed confrontation and international legal challenges. The JBC session ended with the Senate vowing to convene a general debate to grill the government over its handling of the border issue. Panitan Wattanayagorn, a noted international relations scholar, said three decades have passed since Thailand and Cambodia began efforts to resolve their recurring border tensions through various joint committees -- namely, the JBC, General Border Committee (GBC), and Regional Border Committee (RBC). "Yet, peace remains elusive," he said in a Facebook post, with sporadic flare-ups and even military clashes resulting in casualties, closed border checkpoints, and diplomatic breakdowns. Since 1995, both countries have tried to address border disputes via these multilateral platforms, but with mixed results. The JBC, established in 1997, was meant to delineate land boundaries. Meanwhile, the GBC and RBC, driven by military and defence ministries, were tasked with ensuring security and de-escalation. However, despite these mechanisms, armed conflicts have erupted multiple times -- claiming hundreds of lives and prompting the burning of the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh in 2003. These incidents reflect a volatile and fragile bilateral relationship even after 75 years of formal diplomacy. In 2000, both sides signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU 43) to facilitate joint boundary surveys. Critically, Clause 5 stipulated that neither party should unilaterally alter the environment in disputed border zones. However, this provision has reportedly been violated hundreds of times -- in nearly 30 locations -- particularly in military zones under Thailand's First and Second Army Regions. Many of these incidents are perceived by Thai authorities as Cambodian encroachments, raising concerns about Thailand's sovereignty and long-term national security. On June 14, Thailand's Ministry of Foreign Affairs convened a JBC meeting, emphasising dialogue to prevent future conflicts -- such as the recent May 28 skirmish. However, critics argue that the JBC's mandate is too narrow and ill-suited for managing real-time military escalations or MOU violations. Unlike the JBC, the GBC and RBC have access to more precise military intelligence and classified political information that could highlight Cambodian incursions. But much of this information remains undisclosed due to its sensitive nature, especially in international arenas. Cambodia's refusal to discuss these contested zones during the June 14 JBC meeting signals strategic deflection, according to Mr Panitan. Phnom Penh has instead pressed ahead with taking the matter to the ICJ, knowing full well Thailand does not recognise the court's jurisdiction on this issue. Even if Thailand were to shift its stance, the ICJ lacks the authority to make definitive rulings on territorial ownership and would likely redirect both nations back to bilateral negotiations -- much like the 1962 ruling on the Preah Vihear temple. Mr Panitan said that during the JBC meeting, the top priority should have been to persuade Cambodia to re-engage in the existing conflict-resolution framework -- respecting previously agreed rules and returning to the negotiating table. This requires both positive and negative incentives. Cambodia must be discouraged from using force or leveraging international sympathies to isolate Thailand diplomatically. Simultaneously, incentives should make it more attractive for Cambodia to pursue peaceful negotiation. The security expert also stressed a balanced strategy, which lies in applying both "carrots" (rewards) and "sticks" (pressure). He added that joint drills should be conducted to demonstrate preparedness while seeking military alliances for modern weaponry and ammunition in case of escalation. Thailand must proactively engage with the UN, Asean, and other stakeholders to counteract Cambodian lobbying and assert its position with clarity and confidence. On economic levers, Mr Panitan said the temporary closure of informal or secondary border crossings could apply economic pressure. Many of these crossings are critical for Cambodian access to Thai markets and supplies. However, the Thai government must mitigate impacts on local businesses and civilians. At the same time, MOU 43 should be amended or replaced altogether to reflect current realities and close loopholes that allow repeated violations. "Importantly, Thailand must not be outmanoeuvred by Cambodia or domestic actors with shortsighted agendas. National leadership across all sectors must be firm yet diplomatic, peace-loving but not passive, and decisive when necessary," he said. Mr Panitan concluded that the JBC, GBC, and RBC could remain part of the diplomatic architecture, but they are not the full answer. Only a mix of real strategic commitment, national unity, intelligent diplomacy, and carefully calibrated incentives will prevent the next border conflict -- and build a lasting peace between Thailand and Cambodia. Backs are against the wall The recent withdrawal of the Bhumjaithai Party from the coalition government has thrust the Paetongtarn Shinawatra administration into a precarious situation. From a solid coalition with 332 House seats, the Pheu Thai Party-led government has suddenly become one with a slim majority. With Bhumjaithai's 69 seats gone, the government now commands just 261 votes in the 495-member House of Representatives -- a majority of about 13. This raises serious questions about the government's stability, especially since public trust continues to erode following the controversial leaked phone call between Ms Paetongtarn and Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. The audio, widely shared online, has Ms Paetongtarn asking Hun Sen for help to stabilise her position as PM. In return, she was heard offering him anything he wanted. Rather than stepping down or calling an election, Ms Paetongtarn has decided to stay in power by reshuffling the cabinet among parties left in the coalition. The eight ministerial positions vacated by Bhumjaithai will be divided among the remaining coalition partners. The move has put the government into political survival mode, and Ms Paetongtarn and her government will find it harder to stay in power, according to Olarn Thinbangtieo, deputy dean of Burapha University's political science and law faculty. When people lose trust in the prime minister, she loses the legitimacy to stay in office. She should have shown responsibility instead of reallocating the eight posts and turning a deaf ear to public criticism, he said. Critics are set to hold a mass protest today to demand Ms Paetongtarn's resignation over the leaked audio clip and her handling of the ongoing border conflict with Cambodia. From Pheu Thai's perspective, it would not be in the party's best interests if Ms Paetongtarn stepped down now. So the party is trying to stabilise the government by reallocating the vacant posts to strengthen its position, according to Mr Olarn. However, the analyst said it is likely to prolong the government's term for only a little while and Ms Paetongtarn is expected to face several legal actions stemming from mismanagement of national affairs and the audio leak, which could see her suspended from performing her duties, he said. Mr Olarn said Pheu Thai's loss may be the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party's gain, and this could be why the now second-biggest party in the coalition has chosen to stay put. Some observers believe that UTN leader, Pirapan Salirathavibhaga, is waiting for an opportunity if a political accident befalls Pheu Thai. In the event Ms Paetongtarn quits as prime minister, Mr Pirapan, who is a prime ministerial candidate, has a chance of replacing her should the UTN be able to mobilise sufficient support in parliament. However, as things stand, the UTN's decision to support Ms Paetongtarn for now could also fuel public discontent and trigger widespread protests, he said. Another reason why Pheu Thai needs to stay in power is that it is determined to go after its major rival, Bhumjaithai, and is believed to be seeking Bhumjaithai's dissolution, said the analyst. Bhumjaithai faces allegations of colluding to manipulate the outcome of last year's Senate election, which is seen as a breach of democratic principles and justifies party disbandment. A group of senators, or the "blue group" which is said to have close ties with Bhumjaithai, is also targeting Ms Paetongtarn by petitioning the Constitutional Court to rule whether she should be removed from office based on ethical violations related to the Hun Sen phone call. "If Ms Paetongtarn ends up like former prime minister Srettha Thavisin, she may be forced to step aside and allow Mr Pirapan to replace her while Pheu Thai stays in power and goes after Bhumjaithai," Mr Olarn said. Mr Srettha was removed by the Constitutional Court last year over his controversial appointment of Pichit Chuenban to the cabinet. Pichit was convicted of contempt of court for attempting to bribe Supreme Court officials in 2008 while representing former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in a controversial land case. The law forbids the appointment of cabinet ministers with a criminal background. A prime minister who approves such appointments is liable for legal action for an ethical violation. Both Pheu Thai and Bhumjaithai are in hot water, and which party survives may depend on which side the old power clique chooses to support, he said. It is believed a House dissolution is not an option because a fresh election could benefit the main opposition People's Party (PP), which will likely gain more seats than before. It is something the old guard does not want to see happen. "But staying in power will get harder by the day. The Paetongtarn administration may not last beyond the end of the year ... to ensure that Bhumjaithai is dissolved and Pheu Thai becomes the only choice of the old power block," he said.
The Market Online
3 days ago
- Business
- The Market Online
The economy is becoming sustainable – and the stock market is delighted: dynaCERT, Siemens, Shell
ESG criteria have become established across all industries. The prevailing principle in today's business world is that even producers of fossil energy must take action to become more sustainable. This principle is known as 'Best-in-Class' and ensures that every industry makes the most of its opportunities to move toward greater sustainability. We present three exciting sustainable business models – Shell, Siemens, and dynaCERT – and explain where opportunities may lie for investors. Even Shell aims to become climate-neutral It has been clear for many years that oil company Shell needs a sustainability strategy. More than ten years ago, Shell was a prime example of the risks associated with oil production. The accident on an oil platform kept the media in suspense. Shell was considered severely damaged – billions in compensation payments were in the air. And today? Shell is pursuing its 'Performance, Discipline, Simplification' strategy and is focusing more on LNG growth while investing in low-carbon energy solutions. The Company plans to increase LNG revenue by 4 to 5% annually by 2030, while oil production is to remain stable at 1.4 million barrels per day. Between 2023 and 2025 alone, the energy company invested USD 10 to 15 billion in low-carbon energy solutions. A flagship project is Holland Hydrogen I, Europe's largest renewable hydrogen plant with a capacity of 200 MW, which is expected to produce 60,000 kg of green hydrogen per day. Shell aims to become climate-neutral by 2050. dynaCERT: Transition technology for heavy machinery Canadian company dynaCERT (TSX:DYA) also aims to benefit from the shift of many traditional industrial companies toward hydrogen. The pioneers of conversion kits for diesel engines have long identified heavy machinery as a key growth market. dynaCERT owns the patented HydraGEN™ technology, which uses small injections of hydrogen into the combustion process of diesel engines to reduce diesel consumption and, at the same time, pollutant and greenhouse gas emissions. Using their telematics solution, HydraLytica™, companies can even document their savings and convert them into CO2 certificates. dynaCERT has been certified under Verra's Carbon Credit Methodology.** There are still millions of vehicles and machines powered by diesel. Especially in times when investments are difficult, dynaCERT's transition technology can leverage ESG potential and give proven machines and vehicles a longer service life. Heavy machinery, in particular, which has often been integrated into operational processes for many years and proven its reliability, can be operated longer thanks to dynaCERT. In recent years, the Company has increasingly reached out to industrial clients. dynaCERT even established a branch in Germany and is now competing for customers there. The analysts at GBC have issued a 'Buy' recommendation for the stock, with an ambitious price target of CAD 0.75. GBC forecasts revenues of CAD 21 million for 2025, representing significant growth. For 2026, they expect an operating result (EBITDA) of CAD 4.79 million. If this happens, it would mark a turning point for the Company, which has been working toward this breakthrough for some time. Siemens: Digitalization and sustainability Siemens proves that it can be well worth building bridges between old and new industries through innovative technology and digitalization. A central component of its strategy for the future is industrial AI. At Automate 2025, Siemens announced an expansion of its Industrial AI offerings with advanced AI agents that are expected to enable productivity increases of up to 50% for industrial companies. Sustainability will not be neglected in this development – the Company has set itself the goal of becoming climate-neutral by 2030. In the second quarter of fiscal 2025, Siemens achieved strong results: Revenue rose by 3% to EUR 18.4 billion, while order intake increased significantly. The Smart Infrastructure business segment, which is important for the Company's ESG requirements, is expected to grow between 6% and 9% in fiscal 2025. When could this stock surprise? The Siemens share climbed by 14.2% in the last six months and could show renewed momentum beyond the EUR 220 mark. Shell shares, on the other hand, have suffered a setback – the temporary ceasefire in the Middle East has abruptly halted the upward momentum of the shares. Shell's sustainability fantasy has not yet had an impact on the share price. The situation is similar for growth stock dynaCERT, whose share price has lost around 25% over the past six months. However, given its small market capitalization of just around EUR 40 million, a surprise is always in the air with dynaCERT: should major orders or a comprehensive partnership with an industrial company materialize, the stock will likely face a revaluation. Conflict of interest Pursuant to §85 of the German Securities Trading Act (WpHG), we point out that Apaton Finance GmbH as well as partners, authors or employees of Apaton Finance GmbH (hereinafter referred to as 'Relevant Persons') may hold shares or other financial instruments of the aforementioned companies in the future or may bet on rising or falling prices and thus a conflict of interest may arise in the future. 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The Star
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Star
Thai foreign minister denies being soft on Cambodia
BANGKOK: Foreign Minister Maris Sangiampongsa (pic) on Tuesday (June 24) dismissed claims that Thailand had been too lenient with Cambodia, insisting instead that the country is using diplomatic means to avoid potential conflict and loss of life. Speaking to reporters ahead of the weekly Cabinet meeting at Government House, Maris responded to criticism that the Foreign Ministry had failed to stand firm against Cambodia despite recent provocations. 'Not all the claims are true. I want you to understand that we are taking a tough stance, but we're also working hard to avoid confrontations that could lead to casualties,' Maris said. 'This is a core directive from the prime minister — to use every available bilateral mechanism to prevent conflict. A war would not benefit either country.' The Cambodian government has taken to social media to accuse Thailand of various border violations, while refusing to resolve the disputes through the General Border Committee (GBC) — a long-standing bilateral mechanism. Instead, Phnom Penh has filed a case against Thailand at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), claiming sovereignty over four disputed areas: In response to what it sees as pressure tactics from Thailand, Cambodia has taken retaliatory measures — including banning imports of Thai fuel and gas, reducing electricity imports from Thailand, and temporarily closing several border checkpoints. Maris stressed that Thailand remains committed to resolving the dispute through dialogue. 'The prime minister has made it clear that avoiding confrontation is the top priority. If a clash happens, it will lead to the loss of life. We are working to prevent that by encouraging Cambodia to return to the negotiating table,' he said. When asked about Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet's recent comments rejecting talks via the GBC, Maris said Cambodia is still bound by existing bilateral agreements. Maris noted that the GBC is not the only platform available for bilateral discussions. Other mechanisms include the Joint Boundary Committee (JBC), the Regional Boundary Committee, and direct diplomatic engagement. 'Based on my interpretation of Hun Manet's remarks, I don't believe he's entirely ruling out bilateral talks. I think he's waiting for further progress before resuming discussions,' Maris said. He added that despite Thailand's ambassador not yet returning to Phnom Penh, diplomatic communication remains open via the chargé d'affaires. The ambassador, he said, is still in consultation with the ministry on key issues. Maris concluded by affirming that Thailand does not require any third country to mediate its talks with Cambodia, emphasising confidence in existing bilateral frameworks. - The Nation/ANN
The Star
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Star
Manet: Thailand must re-open borders before bilateral talks can take place
Prime Minister Hun Manet has announced that there will be no military negotiations until Thailand reopens all border crossings. - FN PHNOM PENH: Cambodia has imposed the precondition that Thailand re-open the border before any meetings at the military level (RBC) or the Cambodia-Thailand General Border Committee (GBC) level can take place, as bilateral relations between the two countries continue to decline, strongly affecting trade ties. Speaking on Monday (June 23), Prime Minister Hun Manet confirmed that he had instructed the Ministry of National Defence not to hold meetings with Thailand regarding border reopening negotiations until Thailand — whether at the government or military level — reopens the border, which they unilaterally closed. 'If we want to negotiate with the military, the border must be reopened first. Previously, there was an intention to hold a Regional Border Committee (RBC) meeting. I have issued a clear directive to the defence ministry: as long as the border remains closed, there will be no official discussions at the RBC or GBC level,' he said. The RBC is a military-level committee involving regional commanders of both countries, while the GBC is a ministerial-level committee, co-chaired by the defence ministers of both nations, discussing policy, cooperation and security issues along the border. 'To resume negotiations, the first step is to establish appropriate preconditions, meaning rebuilding mutual trust. If we lack trust regarding the border, how can we discuss military matters?' added Manet. Reiterating his stance, he emphasised that there will be no bilateral negotiations on reopening the border — Thailand closed it, so Thailand must reopen it first. He noted that while the Thai government often expresses a desire to negotiate border reopening, the Thai military continues to keep the border closed. 'The ball is in Thailand's court. It's simple to restore the situation to normal. First, reopen the border. Once the border is open, military officials can meet and discuss military matters. It's straightforward. But right now, the key is with them. If they are genuinely sincere about de-escalation, unlock the door — the key is already in their hands,' he said. Cambodia-Thailand relations are increasingly fragile, with negative developments unfolding day by day. In recent days, Thailand has tightened restrictions on cassava imports from Cambodia, following Cambodia's ban on vegetable and fruit imports from Thailand, in response to Thailand's unilateral reduction of border crossing hours by its military. Cambodia has responded with concrete measures to counter Thailand's various threats, including cutting off the use of Thai internet and electricity services and, on June 22, halting oil and gas imports from Thailand. Concurrently, both the Thai and Cambodian foreign ministries have advised their citizens to avoid traveling to the neighbouring country unless absolutely necessary. Last week, the Thai ambassador to Cambodia was recalled to Bangkok by the Thai foreign ministry for consultations. Meanwhile, the Pheu Thai Party, which leads Thailand's government in a coalition with other parties, is considering downgrading diplomatic relations between the two countries. - The Phnom Penh Post/ANN
New Indian Express
21-06-2025
- Health
- New Indian Express
Study links microplastics to rise in gallbladder cancer
THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: While plastic pollution along Kerala's coast continues to spark concerns, a new study by cancer researchers from the state's medical colleges has set alarm bells ringing about a possible link between microplastics and gallbladder cancer (GBC). The research, published in the 'Indian Journal of Medical and Paediatric Oncology', draws a connection between GBC and microplastics found in the Ganges, one of the most polluted rivers in India. The study suggests that the potential carcinogenic effects of microplastics in such water bodies could help explain the rising incidence of GBC, including in regions like Kerala. While earlier studies have explored the link between environmental pollutants and GBC, the latest research focuses specifically on the role of microplastics – tiny plastic fragments less than 5mm in size – in triggering the disease.
