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Indian Express
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Delhi's lose-lose foreign policy approach with Israel and Palestine
There is perhaps no image more heartbreaking than that of Palestinian children longing for the beloved Parle G biscuits that have nourished generations of Indian children. In the rubble-strewn streets of Gaza, these most affordable Indian biscuits have become precious commodities, their exorbitant costs placing them beyond the reach of parents struggling to provide even basic sustenance for their children. This painful reality serves as a stark reminder of our shared humanity and our duty to protect children everywhere. If one has to decide between guns and children, one must always choose children. No matter whose guns, no matter whose children. Yet India's abstention on June 12 from a UN ceasefire resolution in the context of the Israel-Hamas conflict, titled Protection of Civilians and Upholding Legal and Humanitarian Obligations, marks a betrayal of our historical solidarity with the Palestinian cause. As I have written before, the relationship between India and Palestine was built on shared experiences of colonial subjugation and anti-imperial struggle. Mahatma Gandhi's words from 1938 remain as relevant today as they were then: 'Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French. It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs.' Jawaharlal Nehru was equally clear when he declared, 'Palestine is essentially an Arab country and must remain so.' For decades after Independence, India stood firmly with Palestine, recognising the Palestinian state early and consistently supporting their right to self-determination at international forums. This solidarity reflected India's broader leadership of the Global South in the post-Independence era, where we confidently and strongly championed the causes of decolonisation, self-determination, and justice for oppressed peoples worldwide. Our foreign policy was anchored in moral principles that transcended narrow strategic calculations, earning us respect and leadership among newly independent nations. India's stance on Palestine was emblematic of this principled approach as we consistently chose to stand with the dispossessed against powerful oppressors, regardless of their military or economic might. Contemporary India's foreign policy has become increasingly opportunistic rather than principled, marking a dramatic shift from our foundational ethos. This transactional approach, evident in our abstentions on the two recent Palestine-related resolutions, reflects what I have analysed in an earlier article ('Dear people of Palestine', IE, June 17, 2021) as the actions of a government which believes 'that an electoral majority is a licence to trample over anything, including history'. While pursuing perceived strategic advantages through closer ties with Israel, India has neither secured the opportunities it seeks nor maintained its moral leadership. The irony is quite stark. This unexplainable stance has left us diplomatically isolated on crucial global issues, contradicting the very 'vasudhaiva kutumbakam' philosophy we claim to uphold. Strong moral leadership itself constitutes a powerful diplomatic tool that India has historically wielded with great effect. Nations accumulate moral capital by standing on the right side of history. This capital is the crux of soft power and international influence. Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent resistance and India's anti-colonial struggle inspired liberation movements worldwide, giving India a moral authority that extended far beyond our economic or military capabilities. By abandoning this moral foundation, we have weakened our own diplomatic heft, trading long-term influence for immediate and cynical gains that may or may not materialise. It fundamentally does not serve India's interests to align with Israel, which in its current shape and form under the incumbent leadership can only be described as a morally corrupt and warmongering state. While Israel may appear powerful, it remains essentially an American client state, dependent on US military aid and diplomatic protection. India's growing alignment with Israel risks reducing us to an ally of a client state, a position that contradicts our aspirations for strategic autonomy. Moreover, global public opinion is overwhelmingly arrayed against the Zionist project and its ongoing occupation. Despite the media spin by political elites, the occupation of Palestine and what has been variously termed 'apartheid' and 'incremental genocide' deeply resonates with the moral conscience of citizens worldwide, making India's stance increasingly untenable. The international law implications of India's stance are equally troubling. By abstaining from resolutions condemning clear violations of international humanitarian law, India effectively becomes complicit in what reputed international human rights organisations have characterised as systematic oppression. This position undermines India's own claims to champion international law and multilateralism. India's alignment with Israel also jeopardises our relationship with Iran, a crucial ally in the region. Iran's steadfast support for Palestine represents a core element of its regional strategy. As India deepens its ties with Israel while abandoning Palestinian solidarity, we risk alienating Iran and other nations that view the Palestinian cause as a litmus test for moral consistency in international relations. This diplomatic calculus seems particularly shortsighted given Iran's strategic importance for India's energy security and regional connectivity. The recent Madleen flotilla effort and the global people's march to Gaza demonstrate the remarkable resolve and bravery of ordinary citizens challenging the status quo when their governments fail them. These grassroots initiatives remind us that moral leadership often emerges from below when those in power abdicate their responsibilities. As I have written to our Palestinian friends, 'Let me assure you that the civilisational ethos of India is far more powerful than any regime which believes that they can erase and rewrite memory and history.' When Palestinian children dream of simple Parle G biscuits, we are reminded that our choices have consequences that extend far beyond diplomatic halls. We owe help and support to every child who has ever reached for a biscuit and found only empty shelves, who has ever looked to India with hope and found only silence. The writer is Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha), Rashtriya Janata Dal
Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Hindustan Times
Chaos erupts at Ahmedabad's Jagannath Rath Yatra as elephants run amok, several injured
Chaos broke out during the Jagannath Rath Yatra in Ahmedabad on Thursday after a group of elephants accompanying the procession went out of control and trampled several people. Chaos broke out in Ahmedabad after elephants started running amok amid Jagannath Yatra(X/@PTI) A video of the incident, shared by news agency PTI, captures the moment chaos unfolded during the Rath Yatra in Ahmedabad. The footage shows people scattering in panic as mahouts struggle to regain control of the elephants. In the clip, one of the elephants can be seen charging directly toward the crowd, prompting devotees and bystanders to flee through the narrow lanes. The incident took place around 10:15 am on Friday as the Jagannath Rath Yatra procession was passing through the densely packed Khadia area of Ahmedabad, reported The Indian Express. According to officials cited by IE, a decorated elephant suddenly broke away from the group and ran in the opposite direction, triggering panic among devotees gathered along the narrow lanes of the walled city. One or two other elephants also reportedly strayed from the designated route, further adding to the chaos. The Jagannath Rath Yatra procession in Ahmedabad typically features a grand lineup of 18 elephants, around 100 trucks, devotional music groups known as bhajan mandlis, and 30 akhadas or local gymnasiums. This year, the procession will cover a 16-kilometre route over the course of the day. Several of the trucks have been decorated as thematic tableaux, showcasing various cultural and religious motifs. AI-system in place to avoid stampede An estimated 14 to 15 lakh devotees are expected to line the 16-kilometre route of the annual Jagannath Rath Yatra in Ahmedabad on Friday. To ensure crowd safety, nearly 23,800 security personnel have been deployed across the city. For the first time, an Artificial Intelligence-based surveillance system has been introduced to help monitor crowd movement and prevent potential stampede-like situations, according to an official government release. The AI system will support real-time monitoring along the procession route as lakhs gather to catch a glimpse of Lord Jagannath and his siblings.
Indian Express
2 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Unlike Congress, BJP has come down hard on terror
Vivek Katju's jibe at Union minister Hardeep S Puri ('Mapping continuity and a shift', IE, June 21) is unbecoming of a seasoned diplomat and gratuitously seeks mischief. Katju twisted and misinterpreted Puri's use of the phrase 'theatre of the absurd'. Puri, when asked about Operation Sindoor and India's bid to diplomatically isolate Pakistan in the aftermath of Pahalgam, said: 'It is a different ballgame now… Earlier, you allowed Pakistan to use terror as an instrument of state policy… You would take whatever they said at face value and have negotiations with them … The pre-Modi era of dealing with Pakistan was a theatre of the absurd. After the 26/11 (Mumbai attacks), did you retaliate? What did you do? The language used then was 'thoda sa hot pursuit ho gaya'. This time, it was not Balakot and just one strike. We went hundreds of kilometres inside and hit terror infrastructure… The beauty of the current situation lies in the message. In 22 minutes, we gave a befitting response.' It is clear from context that Puri was referring to the widely held view that the UPA government's response to terrorist attacks in the 2000s, particularly 26/11, was weak to the point of being farcical. Katju's claim that Prime Minister Narendra Modi's earlier outreach to Pakistan was also a 'theatre of the absurd' is disingenuous and superficial. The political contexts are too far apart. It is also disingenuous to suggest that efforts to build bridges with Pakistan in the past, irrespective of the political party in power, can be treated alike. It was in poor taste to suggest that an accomplished diplomat's remarks are careless merely because he is now a politician. To provide some much-needed context, 'Puri the politician' — to borrow Katju's words — has publicly stated that he joined the BJP because he agreed with its national security views. Puri, before he was a minister, served in the IFS from 1974 to 2013, mostly under Congress-led governments. It is no secret that India's response to terrorism during that period was inadequate. Many civil servants, including myself, felt that India's handling of terrorism in the 1990s and 2000s — culminating in the horror of 26/11 — was at best insufficient, at worst an abdication of duty. The arguments for 'strategic restraint' were difficult to digest, not only for Puri but for many of us. 'Puri the politician' has emerged from the experiences of 'Puri the diplomat', who witnessed firsthand India's failure to prevent terror attacks or deter asymmetric warfare. A stellar professional, Puri defended India's interests and extracted what space he could for a strategically restrained India. But that does not mean he must endorse the defensive postures that defined that era. Until 26/11, under the UPA, India faced at least seven major terror attacks: Delhi (October 2005 and September 2008), Mumbai (July 2006), Samjhauta Express (February 2007), Hyderabad (August 2007), Jaipur (May 2008), and Ahmedabad (July 2008). These were linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and ISI-backed groups, striking at the heart of our cities. More than 2,000 citizens were killed between 2005 and 2008 due to cross-border terrorism. The 26/11 attacks shattered India's image as a secure nation. The response — widely documented — was incoherent. The then cabinet secretary, in his book, cited a fragmented security apparatus that failed to respond coherently. The then foreign secretary and later national security adviser concluded after 'sober reflection' that 'more was to be gained from not attacking Pakistan than from attacking it'. Yet, it is hard to see what was gained, or to credibly argue that any favourable developments were contingent on it. To those on the outside, India appeared to be a soft state. Let us also not forget that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's foolhardy joint statement with then Pakistan prime minister Yusuf Raza Gilani at Sharm el-Sheikh in 2009 effectively shifted the Balochistan issue from a problem of Pakistan's own making to one allegedly fuelled by India in international eyes. It was against this litany of missteps that the minister underscored the Modi government's contrasting approach. PM Modi came to office in 2014 with a vision of integrating South Asia into a cooperative space where trade was enhanced and regional problems were resolved collectively. This aligned with the 'Neighbourhood First' policy introduced by the UPA in 2008, demonstrating foreign policy continuity — a notable tradition in Indian statecraft. The aim was peace through reduced cross-border terror. The attempts to build ties with Pakistan stemmed from this logic. However, the Pathankot attack in January 2016 was the final straw, hardening the PM's stance on Pakistan. (It is also worth noting that the attack was planned before Modi's surprise trip to Pakistan — thus undermining the ironic significance that Katju wishes to confer on the trip.) Since then, PM Modi's shift from conciliation to decisive action has been clear. The scale and publicity of the 2016 surgical strikes, the 2019 Balakot airstrike after Pulwama, and now the simultaneous destruction of terror targets deep inside Pakistan after Pahalgam all underline this transformation. Each action was measured, non-escalatory, and focused on terrorist infrastructure, while signalling growing costs to Pakistan's establishment. India has evolved from a nation fearful of unattended bags in public places to one where susceptible youth think twice before aligning with extremist outfits. National security crises are ultimately a test of political mettle. Prime Minister Modi's actions show a leader making rational, resolute decisions in critical national security moments — unlike the UPA era, marked by weakness and incoherence. Puri's interview, in my view, was candid, engaging, and characteristically direct. To attempt to generate controversy here is to exaggerate beyond reason. The writer is a former diplomat
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Ivanhoe Electric price target raised to $13 from $12.50 at Scotiabank
Scotiabank analyst Orest Wowkodaw raised the firm's price target on Ivanhoe Electric (IE) to $13 from $12.50 and keeps an Outperform rating on the shares. The company recently released its Preliminary Feasibility Study results for its Santa Cruz Cu project in Arizona, which the firm views as positive for the shares, the analyst tells investors. Easily unpack a company's performance with TipRanks' new KPI Data for smart investment decisions Receive undervalued, market resilient stocks right to your inbox with TipRanks' Smart Value Newsletter Published first on TheFly – the ultimate source for real-time, market-moving breaking financial news. Try Now>> See the top stocks recommended by analysts >> Read More on IE: Disclaimer & DisclosureReport an Issue Ivanhoe Electric Completes Feasibility Study for Copper Project Ivanhoe Electric Simplifies Voting with Recent Amendment Ivanhoe Electric Inc. Holds 2025 Annual Stockholder Meeting Ivanhoe Electric Reports Q1 2025 Financial Results Ivanhoe Electric Appoints New Chief Geophysics Officer Sign in to access your portfolio
Indian Express
6 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Before next election, EC must address questions raised about Maharashtra polls
Democracy is not merely the act of casting a vote; it is the unshakeable faith that every vote will be counted transparently, and without bias. Today, that faith stands shaken. When Rahul Gandhi recently raised questions about India's elections, citing Maharashtra's example, he voiced the concern of Indians who don't feel represented by those who sit in our legislative houses on their behalf ('Match-fixing Maharashtra', IE, June 7). One of his most shocking revelations was that over 41 lakh new voters were added to the electoral rolls between the Lok Sabha and the Assembly elections in the state, within a span of five months. This number reportedly exceeded the total projected adult population of the state by over 16 lakh individuals. How can a state have more registered adult voters than adults? The ECI's response relied on vague terms — like 'statutory forms' and 'field verifications' on an unsigned note — as justifications. These fall far too short given the electoral anomalies witnessed across the country. During the Delhi election earlier this year, reports of similar malpractices surfaced. The AAP alleged that some constituencies saw bogus and suspicious voter additions, accompanied by deletions, predominantly targeting minorities and backward communities that were traditionally against the BJP. The question arises: How is the Election Commission of India (ECI) enabling voter deletions without verification or transparency? History helps. In March 2019, G K Dwivedi, then Chief Electoral Officer of Andhra Pradesh, flagged the misuse of Form 7 to the ECI. His warnings were brushed aside. Today, the same Form 7 is being used — under the ECI's watch — to manipulate electoral outcomes. The ECI's independence has been further compromised through questionable appointments and dismissals. The 2023 Supreme Court judgment put in place a neutral panel of the Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice of India to select Election Commissioners. However, the Modi government's December 2023 law replaced the CJI with a cabinet minister, giving the ruling party a majority in the selection panel. In March 2024, EC Arun Goel abruptly resigned just weeks before the general elections, reportedly over differences with CEC Rajiv Kumar, a former Finance Secretary seen as being close to the BJP. The ECI stayed silent on the PM's divisive 'infiltrator' remark during the 2024 Lok Sabha campaign. Even in the 2024 Haryana election, some candidates sought a review of the results and EVM-VVPAT slip verification. Why did the ECI get scared to show the papers? Lastly, one must address Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis's attempt to whitewash the government's complot by dismissing our questions with an embarrassingly superficial line of reasoning ('Rejected by people, now he rejects people's mandate', IE, June 8). If the CM struggled to grasp the substance of the issue, we'd be happy to arrange a briefing for him. But if he doesn't care to find out, then he should at least refrain from feigning whataboutery as facts. Fadnavis's response didn't address the scale, timing, and demographic targeting evident in the 2024 elections. He failed to explain why 7.83 per cent of the total votes were cast in just the last hour of polling — the voting surge was observed in 12,000 booths of 85 constituencies where the BJP lagged in the Lok Sabha election but led in the Vidhan Sabha. He produced no evidence to counter this. He is also tight-lipped about clustering of voter spikes and blocking of duplicate EPIC number disclosures. Instead of presenting hard facts, he asks the public to trust him blindly. Not because he's backed by proof, but just because he said so. Unfortunately, that's not enough. Democracy runs on accountability and transparency. Both are glaringly absent from Fadnavis's flimsy defence. If he truly believes the government has nothing to hide, he should support the Congress party's demand for making machine-readable data publicly available. In its absence, his party — in power both at the Union and state level— and the ECI will remain under suspicion. As for the ECI, if it believes Rahul Gandhi's concerns are unfounded, it has every reason to respond with evidence — CCTV footage — and prove him wrong. But CCTV footage is a sensitive topic for the ECI, as on May 30, the ECI ordered election footage to be destroyed just 45 days after polling — unless legally challenged. This deliberate narrowing down of the window for scrutiny should raise the eyebrows of concerned citizens. Why is the ECI in a rush? India is drifting from democracy to a managed electoral state, with the ECI now a tool of the ruling party. And this is visible in the credibility crisis the body faces today. Only 58 per cent of Indians trust it, according to the 2024 CSDS-Lokniti survey. The people of India must ask themselves: Are we truly electing our leaders, or are we being manipulated into validating a pre-decided outcome? Evidence like questionable voter roll changes, last-hour spikes, opaque conduct, and dubious appointments point to a deep decay. What we are witnessing are not isolated electoral malpractices, but a more systematic undoing. As Bihar heads into its next major election, the stakes couldn't be higher. The people of Bihar must rise — not just to cast their vote, but to defend the vote itself. Every addition or deletion in the electoral rolls must be scrutinised. This is about every Indian who believes in the sanctity of the ballot, not just the Congress party. If we don't fight now for a truly independent ECI, we may have neither democracy left to fight for nor the right to fight at all. The writer is Chairman, Media and Publicity Department, AICC
