Latest news with #ISIL
The Print
12 hours ago
- Politics
- The Print
36 Bangladeshis involved in allegedly setting up ISIL-inspired terror module nabbed in Malaysia
The statement added, 'Another 15 individuals have been issued deportation orders while 16 individuals are being further investigated regarding their involvement in this militant movement.' 'The planned security operation which began on 24 April 2025 was carried out in three phases of arrests around Selangor and Johor. In the operation, five of them were identified as being involved under Chapter VIA of the Penal Code (offences relating to terrorism) and have already been charged in the Shah Alam and Johor Bahru Section Courts,' Malaysia's Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail said in a statement. New Delhi: Malaysian authorities Friday announced the arrests of 36 Bangladeshi citizens this week after they were 'identified' as being involved in a 'radical militant movement' based on extremist beliefs and 'terrorist ideology'. The group of individuals brought to Malaysia 'extremist' beliefs centred on the teachings of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), and created recruitment cells within the community for the purposes of 'indoctrinating radical ideas, raising funds for terrorist activities and to overthrow the legitimate government in their home country'. 'I would like to emphasise that Malaysia will not be a haven, let alone a subversive elemental battlefield for any foreign extremist movement,' Ismail declared in his statement. The Malaysian home minister added the country will 'not tolerate' any elements that threaten national security. Since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government last August in Bangladesh, the South Asian nation has seen an upsurge in extremist movements. Earlier this year, banned extremist group Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT) took out a rally called March for Khilafat in Dhaka, calling for the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. The rally witnessed violence. The group was banned by the Hasina government in 2009. In October 2024, reports emerged from Bangladesh of elite Catholic missionary schools in Dhaka carrying out processions in favour of the establishment of a caliphate in the country. The growth of extremist ideology in Bangladesh has worried India, with the Ministry of External Affairs consistently calling on the interim government led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus to 'protect Hindus, their properties and religious institutions'. The latest India statement on the matter came Thursday after reports emerged of the destruction of a Durga temple in Dhaka. There have been other incidents since the fall of Hasina government that have impacted the minorities in Bangladesh. Also Read: Jaishankar says attacks on minorities in Bangladesh 'impact' Indian thinking, urges clarity in ties 'Firm and swift action' In the statement on the arrest of 36 Bangladeshis Friday, Ismail also said, 'I reiterate my assurance that the Ministry of Home Affairs will continue to strengthen intelligence capabilities and enforcement, as well as collaborate with domestic and foreign security agencies to ensure that Malaysia remains peaceful, stable and free from the threat of terrorism.' The Malaysian home minister added, 'Any attempt to turn Malaysia into a base of militant operations or transit centre for extremist movements will be dealt with firm, swift and effective action.' At the same time as concerns heighten over the growth of extremist elements in Bangladesh, the interim government has sought to positively reset ties with Pakistan. Most recently, a trilateral meeting between officials from Dhaka, Islamabad and Beijing was held in the Chinese city of Kunming. (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: Hindu leader's killing in Bangladesh prompts stinging rebuke from India on 'systemic persecution'
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Business Standard
a day ago
- Politics
- Business Standard
UN says terrorist use of AI is 'very likely', calls for urgent action
A new UN report outlines how artificial intelligence could aid terrorists across cyber, physical and propaganda domains, and urges governments to act now New Delhi Artificial intelligence may soon become a fixture in terrorist arsenals, warns a new joint report by the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Centre (UNCCT) and the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI). Titled Algorithms and Terrorism: The Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence for Terrorist Purposes, the May 2025 report outlines how AI could be used in cyberattacks, autonomous weapons, deepfake propaganda, and terrorist financing. Though no confirmed cases of AI being used in terrorist attacks have emerged so far, the report urges immediate global action, citing signs of growing interest and experimentation. Expert survey underscores perceived threat The UN agencies highlight four core concerns: the availability of open-source AI tools; scalability of attacks; the asymmetric advantage terrorists enjoy due to fewer legal constraints; and society's increasing dependence on digital infrastructure. ISIL's early experiments with emerging tech Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant's (ISILs) early efforts demonstrate the trajectory. In 2016, the group reportedly tested self-driving cars in Syria and later developed a drone unit called the 'Unmanned Aircraft of the Mujahedeen'. In 2020, an ISIL supporter shared a video showing how facial recognition might identify targets despite attempts to obscure identity—suggesting a basic awareness of AI's potential. AI applications across cyber, finance and weapons The report warns of AI being used to automate password cracking, enhance ransomware, and deploy drone swarms. In financial operations, deepfake videos could be used to impersonate trusted figures, while AI-powered bots may support fraudulent crowdfunding and obscure cryptocurrency flows. Propaganda and recruitment in the age of AI In the propaganda space, generative AI and social bots could reinforce extremist narratives by mimicking real users and amplifying echo chambers. These tools could improve online recruitment by simulating peer validation and ideological affinity. Call for regulation and global coordination 'The potential for the malicious use of Artificial Intelligence for terrorist purposes merits the close attention of the international community,' the report concludes.
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Deadly church attack raises security fears for Syrians, minorities
Sunday's deadly attack on the Mar Elias Church in Damascus has shaken Syria, and particularly the country's Christians. The attack on Sunday killed at least 25 people, after a man with a rifle entered the church and shot at worshippers, before detonating a suicide bomb. It has raised questions about the ability of the new Syrian government to manage security in the country and protect its citizens, including those from minority groups. The Syrian Interior Ministry blamed ISIL (ISIS) for the attack, though another group called Saraya Ansar al-Sunna later claimed it. Government officials described the attack as an attempt to undermine their efforts to establish a state following the fall of longtime dictator Bashar al-Assad in December. 'Sedition is happening,' Hind Kabawat, Syria's Social and Labour Affairs minister, told Syria TV from a Damascus hospital, as she fought back tears. 'All Christians and Muslims and all Syrians need to be strong today. This is a big wound, and our pain is big.'While the target of the attack was a church – the first of its kind against a Syrian church since the fall of the al-Assad regime – it serves as a reminder of the precarious security situation the country still finds itself in, affecting all Syrians, as the government attempts to provide stability. 'It's very dangerous,' Abu Hassan, a Damascus resident, told Al Jazeera by phone. He said that he was wary of more attacks taking place as part of an attempt to sow disunity between Syria's Christians and Muslims. '[The attacks] won't disappear,' he said. 'There will be more blood. May God protect this country.' The end of the al-Assad regime, following a more than 13-year war in which hundreds of thousands died, was welcomed by most Syrians. The al-Assad dynasty – Bashar had been preceded as president by his father Hafez – had effectively built one of the world's most brutal police states, with a vast network of competing security and intelligence branches that terrorised much of the local population. The man who has replaced Bashar al-Assad as president is Ahmed al-Sharaa. His own background – as a former member of al-Qaeda who led the now-disbanded Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in the latter years of the war – led many Syrians to express doubts and concerns over his rule of such a religiously and ethnically diverse state. Al-Sharaa has repeatedly promised to protect minorities and build an inclusive state for Syrians of all backgrounds and religions. But a series of events in the interim has sown distrust between the ruling authorities and some members of religious minority groups. Massacres committed in the Alawite-dominated coastal region in March, followed by clashes between government-affiliated forces and Druze militias in May, rocked some of the goodwill and faith the new authorities had built up. The Mar Elias Church attack is, of course, different in that it was perpetrated by an enemy of the new government. But it has still contributed to the doubt felt by some that the security situation in Syria can improve – particularly, although not exclusively, for minorities. And that uncertainty is even pushing some minorities to consider that they may have to abandon their homes in Syria and leave the country. For many observers, ultimately, the buck stops with the authorities. 'The government will be judged based on what they are doing and how they solve the [security] issue,' Jerome Drevon, the International Crisis Group's senior analyst on jihad and modern conflict, told Al Jazeera, 'including the issue of religious minorities and how they protect them'.The government has said that it was able to thwart two other planned attacks by the same cell that was behind the Mar Elias attack, one of which was going to target a Shia Muslim shrine in Damascus. ISIL has yet to claim the attack, but is reportedly making inroads in Syria. The group had controlled vast swathes of territory in Syria and Iraq as part of its self-declared 'caliphate' before a United States-led campaign defeated it in 2019, and forced its remnants to the peripheries. Drevon said that the group had been mostly present in Syria's eastern desert in recent years, until US air strikes and Syrian government expansion led them to push into cities. ISIL now acts less as a hierarchical organisation and more as a network of independent cells, Drevon said, making it difficult to fully eradicate it. 'There is to some extent a security vacuum because there are not enough forces to man the full country,' Drevon said. Still, there is also room for positivity. Drevon noted that the government has had some success quelling insurgents and, as collaboration with foreign governments improves, so too will its intelligence and ability to thwart local attacks. 'There are cases of violence, of course, but the level of violence is very far from what we expected six months ago,' Drevon said. 'Even Western countries can't fully prevent armed attacks.' Analysts say Syrian authorities have been focused not just on preventing attacks from groups like ISIL, but also on stopping domestic insurrections, much like the one along Syria's coast in March sparked by supporters of al-Assad, which then descended into sectarian killing and massacres. Additionally, the new authorities are trying to improve their intelligence capabilities and means of collaborating and receiving intelligence from foreign countries. Drevon said it was important for foreign governments to collaborate with the new administration on intelligence to confront what is likely to be a growing threat from ISIL in the coming months. But beyond the question of the state's capacity to fight radical groups is also the importance of amplifying the message that religious and ethnic minorities are equal citizens in Syria, said Robin Yassin-Kassab, a Syrian writer. The overthrow of al-Assad was popular among Syrians, and the months that have followed have allowed for a new narrative of unity to emerge in the country. But that can quickly go away – particularly if people do not feel that justice is being carried out for the victims of all crimes, including ones committed by those aligned with the state. After the violence on the coast and in heavily Druze-populated areas, al-Sharaa's government formed committees to investigate and assign responsibility for the violence and deaths. The new authorities have occasionally also arrested people accused of perpetrating or coordinating violence. But some Syrians still don't feel there is a transparent process or messaging in distributing justice clearly, fairly and equally. '[There is] no clear message that perpetrators will be arrested and punished for committing crimes and it doesn't matter which political group or what identity, sect or regime, you are affiliated with, you will be punished,' Yassin-Kassab told Al Jazeera. 'That's still not clear.'
Al Jazeera
3 days ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Deadly church attack raises security fears for Syrians, minorities
Sunday's deadly attack on the Mar Elias Church in Damascus has shaken Syria, and particularly the country's Christians. The attack on Sunday killed at least 25 people, after a man with a rifle entered the church and shot at worshippers, before detonating a suicide bomb. It has raised questions about the ability of the new Syrian government to manage security in the country and protect its citizens, including those from minority groups. The Syrian Interior Ministry blamed ISIL (ISIS) for the attack, though another group called Saraya Ansar al-Sunna later claimed it. Government officials described the attack as an attempt to undermine their efforts to establish a state following the fall of longtime dictator Bashar al-Assad in December. 'Sedition is happening,' Hind Kabawat, Syria's Social and Labour Affairs minister, told Syria TV from a Damascus hospital, as she fought back tears. 'All Christians and Muslims and all Syrians need to be strong today. This is a big wound, and our pain is big.' Fears in Syria While the target of the attack was a church – the first of its kind against a Syrian church since the fall of the al-Assad regime – it serves as a reminder of the precarious security situation the country still finds itself in, affecting all Syrians, as the government attempts to provide stability. 'It's very dangerous,' Abu Hassan, a Damascus resident, told Al Jazeera by phone. He said that he was wary of more attacks taking place as part of an attempt to sow disunity between Syria's Christians and Muslims. '[The attacks] won't disappear,' he said. 'There will be more blood. May God protect this country.' The end of the al-Assad regime, following a more than 13-year war in which hundreds of thousands died, was welcomed by most Syrians. The al-Assad dynasty – Bashar had been preceded as president by his father Hafez – had effectively built one of the world's most brutal police states, with a vast network of competing security and intelligence branches that terrorised much of the local population. The man who has replaced Bashar al-Assad as president is Ahmed al-Sharaa. His own background – as a former member of al-Qaeda who led the now-disbanded Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in the latter years of the war – led many Syrians to express doubts and concerns over his rule of such a religiously and ethnically diverse state. Al-Sharaa has repeatedly promised to protect minorities and build an inclusive state for Syrians of all backgrounds and religions. But a series of events in the interim has sown distrust between the ruling authorities and some members of religious minority groups. Massacres committed in the Alawite-dominated coastal region in March, followed by clashes between government-affiliated forces and Druze militias in May, rocked some of the goodwill and faith the new authorities had built up. The Mar Elias Church attack is, of course, different in that it was perpetrated by an enemy of the new government. But it has still contributed to the doubt felt by some that the security situation in Syria can improve – particularly, although not exclusively, for minorities. And that uncertainty is even pushing some minorities to consider that they may have to abandon their homes in Syria and leave the country. For many observers, ultimately, the buck stops with the authorities. 'The government will be judged based on what they are doing and how they solve the [security] issue,' Jerome Drevon, the International Crisis Group's senior analyst on jihad and modern conflict, told Al Jazeera, 'including the issue of religious minorities and how they protect them'. Need for justice The government has said that it was able to thwart two other planned attacks by the same cell that was behind the Mar Elias attack, one of which was going to target a Shia Muslim shrine in Damascus. ISIL has yet to claim the attack, but is reportedly making inroads in Syria. The group had controlled vast swathes of territory in Syria and Iraq as part of its self-declared 'caliphate' before a United States-led campaign defeated it in 2019, and forced its remnants to the peripheries. Drevon said that the group had been mostly present in Syria's eastern desert in recent years, until US air strikes and Syrian government expansion led them to push into cities. ISIL now acts less as a hierarchical organisation and more as a network of independent cells, Drevon said, making it difficult to fully eradicate it. 'There is to some extent a security vacuum because there are not enough forces to man the full country,' Drevon said. Still, there is also room for positivity. Drevon noted that the government has had some success quelling insurgents and, as collaboration with foreign governments improves, so too will its intelligence and ability to thwart local attacks. 'There are cases of violence, of course, but the level of violence is very far from what we expected six months ago,' Drevon said. 'Even Western countries can't fully prevent armed attacks.' Analysts say Syrian authorities have been focused not just on preventing attacks from groups like ISIL, but also on stopping domestic insurrections, much like the one along Syria's coast in March sparked by supporters of al-Assad, which then descended into sectarian killing and massacres. Additionally, the new authorities are trying to improve their intelligence capabilities and means of collaborating and receiving intelligence from foreign countries. Drevon said it was important for foreign governments to collaborate with the new administration on intelligence to confront what is likely to be a growing threat from ISIL in the coming months. But beyond the question of the state's capacity to fight radical groups is also the importance of amplifying the message that religious and ethnic minorities are equal citizens in Syria, said Robin Yassin-Kassab, a Syrian writer. The overthrow of al-Assad was popular among Syrians, and the months that have followed have allowed for a new narrative of unity to emerge in the country. But that can quickly go away – particularly if people do not feel that justice is being carried out for the victims of all crimes, including ones committed by those aligned with the state. After the violence on the coast and in heavily Druze-populated areas, al-Sharaa's government formed committees to investigate and assign responsibility for the violence and deaths. The new authorities have occasionally also arrested people accused of perpetrating or coordinating violence. But some Syrians still don't feel there is a transparent process or messaging in distributing justice clearly, fairly and equally. '[There is] no clear message that perpetrators will be arrested and punished for committing crimes and it doesn't matter which political group or what identity, sect or regime, you are affiliated with, you will be punished,' Yassin-Kassab told Al Jazeera. 'That's still not clear.'
Al Jazeera
4 days ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Under Trump, US strikes on Somalia have doubled since last year. Why?
Mogadishu, Somalia – Ending the United States' 'forever wars' was a major slogan of Donald Trump's 2024 election campaign, during which he and many of his supporters spoke out against American resources and lives being put to waste in conflicts across the globe. But on February 1, a mere 10 days after being inaugurated for a second time, President Trump announced that the US had carried out air strikes targeting senior leadership of ISIL (ISIS) in Somalia. 'These killers, who we found hiding in caves, threatened the United States,' his post on X read. This marked Trump's first military action overseas, but it wouldn't be his last. In the time since, the US has provided weapons and support to Israel in its wars in Gaza and across the Middle East; it has launched strikes on Yemen; and even attacked Iran's nuclear facilities. At the same time, in the Horn of Africa, US strikes have more than 'doubled' since last year, according to US Africa Command (AFRICOM). AFRICOM, which oversees US military operations on the continent, has carried out at least 43 air strikes in Somalia in 2025, according to think tank New America, which tracks strikes using AFRICOM data. More than half of those, which are conducted in coordination with Somalia's federal government, targeted IS-Somalia, the ISIL affiliate in northeast Puntland state, while the remainder targeted al-Shabab. The uptick in US air strikes targeting IS-Somalia appears to be linked to growing concerns that the group has become a hub for regional and global ISIL affiliates in terms of financing and attacks, according to US officials. At the same time, experts also note the recent worrying gains being made by al-Shabab in Somalia. But why is this a war the 'Make America Great Again' Trump administration has an increasing hand in – especially given that decades of US policy in Somalia have been marred by controversy, disaster and failure? American intervention in Somalia: A failure since the start? 'Ever since Black Hawk Down, Somalia was a no-go zone for the US,' said Abukar Arman, a Somali analyst and former special envoy to the US, referring to the failed 1993 US military intervention in Somalia during which 18 US troops and thousands of Somali civilians were killed. 'That changed after 9/11 when Somalia became one of the key theatres of so-called GWOT [global war on terror]. That political facade has three objectives: It justifies US sustained lethal drone attacks in the public psyche; it enables the US to guard its geopolitical interests in the Horn of Africa; [and] it enables American predatory capitalists to engage in economic exploitation,' Arman told Al Jazeera. In 2007, Somalia became the first country on the African continent to fall victim to a US air strike in the post 9/11 era as part of its so-called 'war on terror'. In the decades that followed, US aerial bombardment of the country has not only persisted but intensified. During the combined 16 years under former presidents George W Bush and Barack Obama, there were more than 50 US air strikes on Somalia, while Trump's first term alone saw a staggering 219 strikes, according to New America. With dozens more strikes just five months into his second term, analysts say if it continues at this rate, Trump is sure to surpass the 51 strikes the Biden administration conducted during its entire four years in office. Jethro Norman, a senior researcher with the Danish Institute for International Studies, suggests that in Somalia, Trump has made an ideal stage on which to remotely project US power capabilities – as it combines high firepower, low oversight and little US domestic political risk. 'By loosening Obama-era restrictions, he enabled a surge in preemptive strikes with minimal vetting or accountability. The logic wasn't just strategic; it was theatrical: a way to perform toughness, signal contrast with previous administrations, and claim counterterrorism 'wins' without entanglement,' Norman told Al Jazeera. 'So, what you see now is a spike in drone activity, but without any corresponding investment in long-term peacebuilding or governance support,' he explained. Norman also highlighted how infighting within the Trump White House on policy direction in Somalia played a role in the massive uptick in US strikes. 'There were also competing camps within his [Trump's] administration. Some pushed hard for kinetic engagement in Somalia and Yemen, while others argued that counterterrorism was a distraction from great-power rivalry with China. 'That policy push and pull [between spectacle and strategy] helps explain why air strikes surged even as Trump talked about ending forever wars,' he said. Al-Shabab gains Some analysts suggest that another reason for the uptick in US strikes could be al-Shabab's unprecedented counteroffensive this year. In it, the armed group reversed most of the Somali government's territorial gains and seized dozens of towns and villages in the Middle Shabelle region of the semi-autonomous Hirshabelle state – the home base of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Complicating matters further is that during this counteroffensive, al-Shabab was able to advance on the capital and set up checkpoints on main roads leading in and out of Mogadishu. This shows not only the deep structural weakness within the Somali security forces but also the resilience of the armed group as they inched closer to the seat of power in Mogadishu, experts say. 'These [recent US strikes] appear to relate more closely to conditions on the battlefield – and in particular, the perceived threat from an al-Shabab offensive that has reversed some of the gains of prior Somali government offensives,' said David Sterman, the deputy director of the Future Security programme at New America. 'There may also be other factors, including a greater interest in targeting senior al-Shabab leaders,' he added. As the Trump administration continues its bombing campaign, some argue this will likely only empower the same armed groups it claims to be fighting. 'The current drone diplomacy would continue to help al-Shabab. These attacks kill civilians, destroy properties and livestock. Ensuing grievances are utilised by armed groups that take advantage of these sentiments,' said Arman, the Somali analyst, who also noted a 'lack of a comprehensive US-Somalia policy that is based on a strategic partnership that keeps the interest of both countries at heart'. 'It is foolish to think that all problems could be solved with a hammer,' he added, referring to drones and military might. Civilian deaths, 'lack of accountability' During Trump's first term as president, rights groups and media outlets alike reported numerous civilian casualties from US strikes on Somalia. This was further compounded when AFRICOM admitted that civilians died in strikes it carried out. The situation hit its climax in 2019 when Amnesty International accused the US of committing 'possible war crimes' in Somalia as a result of its drone war. None of the victims of US drone strikes were ever compensated despite calls for accountability by rights groups and US lawmakers. 'The consistent lack of accountability for civilian victims of US air strikes, particularly under the previous [Trump] administration, speaks volumes. It reveals a profound lack of transparency that is deeply concerning,' said Eva Buzo, the executive director of Victims Advocacy International, an organisation seeking accountability for victims of human rights abuses in conflict zones across the globe. 'The US acknowledges harm to civilians and has allocated funds yet continues to avoid making these crucial payments,' she said, adding that what's needed is willingness to 'genuinely communicate with impacted communities, to better understand the true consequences drone strikes have on their lives, and what can be done to acknowledge this impact tangibly'. Meanwhile, adding to the complexity in the battle space in Somalia is that groups like al-Shabab often live and operate among the civilian population. This provides concealment but also means those at war with the armed groups rarely differentiate between civilians and fighters when striking targets. US strikes often rely on patchy human intelligence in the rural countryside where al-Shabab is most present and where clan rivalries, informal economies and shifting loyalties are all factors that tend to be overlooked by the US. Experts say this not only complicates accurate targeting but also increases the chance of harming non-combatants. While there isn't an official death toll from US strikes, the years of attacks are believed to have killed anywhere from 33 to 167 civilians in Somalia, according to separate tallies by New America and the nonprofit conflict watchdog, Airwars. These civilian deaths from US air strikes erode US credibility in the region and feed into the narrative that armed groups like al-Shabab thrive on: one of foreign aggression and Somali betrayal, said Norman of the Danish Institute. 'These incidents don't just cause resentment; they offer propaganda gold. When civilians are killed or even just displaced, al-Shabab exploits the aftermath. They move quickly to frame themselves as defenders of Somali lives and sovereignty against a foreign aggressor and a weak federal government,' he said. 'Drone strikes without accountability can actually create the conditions for the very insurgencies they're meant to eliminate to thrive,' he added. Adding fuel to the fire? After nearly two decades of US aerial bombardment, many analysts agree that air strikes alone cannot defeat an armed movement embedded in the fabric of Somali society, its social networks and those who thrive off consecutive foreign interventions. This makes the prospects of taming these armed groups, let alone defeating them, difficult. 'There are interesting parallels to Afghanistan; local forces struggle to hold territory, US strikes fill the vacuum temporarily, but the long-term trajectory remains bleak. Airpower can suppress, but it does not transform,' said Norman. 'That gap between US rhetoric and Somali reality is precisely where al-Shabab thrives. The group actively weaponises these moments, portraying itself as the only actor willing to stand up for Somali lives. 'In this sense, the loss of legitimacy is not abstract; it shapes local decisions, fuels recruitment, and weakens prospects for genuine partnership between Somali civilians and international actors.' If the Trump administration continues its aerial bombardment of Somalia, analysts say it will only add fuel to the fire by empowering the same foe it claims to be fighting. At the same time, they say, the cost of drones and missiles to fight a boogeyman halfway across the globe is a waste of US taxpayer money. Experts on US military and counterterrorism policies say the likelihood of a military solution to armed groups in Somalia is slim. 'It is unlikely that the US and its Somali partners can fully eliminate al-Shabab given its demonstration of resilience over time, and doing so would require a different approach than what these strikes appear to be. IS-Somalia does not have quite the same record of resilience,' said Sterman, the New America deputy director. 'There is, of course, the question of what defeat and destruction actually means for a non-state group,' he noted. 'That said, US objectives are likely more limited than the defeat or destruction of these groups – focusing [more] on containment or the elimination of specific capabilities or network connections.' In the meantime, what is for sure, experts say, is that the more the US leans on drones without investing in local legitimacy and supporting grassroots reconciliation, the more groups like al-Shabab and IS-Somalia will thrive and grow among a new generation of disenfranchised Somalis.
