Latest news with #Indo-Bangladesh
India Today
15-07-2025
- Politics
- India Today
From the India Today archives (2018)
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated Aug 6, 2018)A narrow, muddy lane in South Tokrer Chora village in Assam's westernmost district, Dhubri, bordering Bangladesh, leading to a railway overbridge, the other end of which opens into a local market. Standing on the bridge, one can see the Indo-Bangladesh border fencing, just over a kilometre away. Close by, on the ground, staring at the setting sun behind his bamboo hut overlooking a paddy field, Mohammad Hajer Ali, a 69-year-old farmer, ignores the pestering of his grandchildren to take them to the market. His mind is full of thoughts of that border he be forced across it after July 30? He doesn't know anyone on the other side. What will he do there? Ali says he was born in 1950 in India and has documentary evidence to support his claim. Yet he is a suspected Bangladeshi, or D-voter (doubtful voter), according to the electoral 10 kilometres away, in Sonakhuli village, Kabita Roy, 35, is increasingly losing patience with her husband, assistant sub-inspector Ramesh Chandra Roy, 43. For the past 15 years, the mother of two has been barred from voting because she is a suspected foreigner. The anger and frustration is writ large on her face, her husband is in the police force and she belongs to the Koch Rajboghshi community, a people indigenous to the region. Yet she has to live in constant fear of being declared a foreigner and jailed or, heaven forbid, even deported to Bangladesh. Far in the east, around 400 km away, in middle Assam's Moirabari, a Muslim majority village in Morigaon district, 50-year-old Durga Prasad Kanu, a daily wage earner, received a notice from the local police on June 7, asking his entire family to submit their citizenship records. Kanu claims his grandfather Dinanath Kanu had migrated to Assam from Uttar Pradesh in the 1950's. He owns a valid voter card and land records from UP, but the fear of a legal battle and the possibility of being declared a foreigner is giving Kanu sleepless Roy and Kanu could be among the more than two million people likely to be declared stateless in Assam on July 30, the day the National Register of Citizenship (NRC)a document that registers the names of all Indian citizens living within the geographic boundaries of Assam will be published in the state. The implication of this register could have a ripple effect in other parts of the country a majority of these stateless people are likely to be Muslims, a communal narrative is already taking hold. From spreading false information that seven million Muslims will be stripped of citizenship to direct threats of violence, there are already explicit attempts to convert Assam's battle against illegal immigrants into a religious conflict across India. It's an explosive situation, which can take the state back to the days of the Assam agitation between 1979 and 1985. While 855 people, taking part in that agitation against illegal immigration, lost their lives, the biggest flashpoint was the Nellie massacre in 1983 where over 2,000 Muslim immigrants were killed by tribals in central Assam's Morigaon chief of the Jamait Ulema-e-Hind, Maulana Syed Arshad Madani, has already said that Assam will burn if 5 million Muslims are left out of the updated NRC. According to Assam police sources, extremist outfits such as the Popular Front of India (PFI) are working overtime to penetrate the Muslim-dominated areas of lower Assam, though till now it has been effectively tackled. This episode has the potential to turn into India's own Rohingya crisis with millions of people left with nowhere to go. It's no surprise then that West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has already instructed three border district administrations to take measures to prevent the entry of people whose names are excluded from the to the confusion is the lack of clarity as to what will happen to the people whose names are missing from the NRC. Union home minister Rajnath Singh, in an attempt to assuage fears, has said that the missing people will not be kept in detention. They will get a chance to prove their citizenship before the final NRC is released at the end of the year. Everyone with documents can apply for inclusion between August 1 and September 28, says Prateek Hajela, the state coordinator preparing the NRC. The July 30 NRC will be the second and final draft. The first draft, which included 19 million of the 32 million people of Assam, was published on December 31, to sources, the Centre has been considering a proposal to provide long-term biometric work permits to all those who may be eventually declared foreigners. These people would not have any political or land rights (there is no clarity on what will happen to those who have already bought property in Assam). What can make matters explosive is that a substantial section to be excluded will be those who own to Supreme Court lawyer Upamanyu Hazarika, those excluded from the NRC will not automatically become foreigners. They have to be so declared by a tribunal, before any proceedings can be initiated. If, say, 2 million are excluded, there'll be 2 million cases before 100 tribunals. It will take years to dispose of them with further appeals to the high court and Supreme Court, he says. In some cases, the Gauhati High Court has directed authorities to acquire land owned by individuals declared foreigner by Assam chief minister Sarbananda Sonowal, this is the biggest challenge of his political career. Sonowal, whose political journey began with the All Assam Students Union (AASU), the organisation at the forefront of Assam's fight against the illegal influx, is hailed as Assam's hero for single-handedly getting the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) or IMDT Act repealed in Supreme Court in 2005. The act was seen as a big obstacle in the detection of illegal immigrants. Sonowal is aware that the NRC could bring the state to a boil and has already requested the Centre for more forces. Not taking any chances, the state police force has stepped up its vigil across the state, and in the virtual world NRC is the second such exercise in the state, necessitated by widespread allegations of massive, unabated illegal immigration from Bangladesh. The first NRC was published in 1951 by recording particulars of all the persons enumerated during that year's census and was unique to the state of is hardly any precedent anywhere in the world for a legal exercise that will strip such a massive population of citizenship in a single day. Of course, the complexity of the issue of illegal immigration in Assam, estimates of illegal foreigners range from 4 million to 10 million, provoked this unique solution. Just one statistic, voter numbers in Assam grew by more than 50 per cent in less than a decade, from 5,701,805 in 1970 to 8,537,493 in 1979, triggered a six-year-long agitation against illegal infiltrators. This sudden surge was also a consequence of the 1971 war which forced massive influx from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) to various parts of India, mainly 2005, while striking down the IMDT Act, a three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice R.C. Lahoti, Justice G.P. Mathur and Justice P.K. Balasubramanyan, said, reflecting the sentiment of Assam: The presence of such a large number of illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which runs into millions, is in fact an aggression on the state of Assam and has also contributed significantly in causing serious internal disturbances in the shape of insurgency of alarming current process of updating the NRC is the consequence of a 2009 PIL filed by a Guwahati-based NGO, Assam Public Works (APW), which claimed that 4.1 million illegal Bangladeshis had found their way into Assam's voter list. Look at how national landmarks such as the Kaziranga national park, birthplace of the Vaishnavite saint Srimanta Sankardeva have been encroached by illegal immigrants. We can't turn a blind eye to these, says Abhijeet Sarma, head of APW. The decision to update the 1951 NRC was taken in the historic Assam Accord of 1985, but work started only after 2015 when the apex court started monitoring the the indigenous people have celebrated the process, the fear of being declared stateless has engulfed a large section of Bengali-speaking inhabitants who are often suspected of having sneaked into Assam after 1971. According to the Assam accord, 1971 was fixed as the cut-off year for focus of the government post-NRC is likely to be protecting the land rights of indigenous people. Assam, which ranks 17th among Indian states with a GDP of Rs 3.3 lakh crore, is primarily driven by agriculture. In most of Lower Assam, immigrants of Bangladeshi origin are mainly engaged in agriculture and other manual labour. Primarily landless, their hunger for land of their own has often resulted in ethnic conflicts, like the 2012 violence in 2017, the interim report of a six-member committee for protection of land rights of indigenous people of Assam, headed by former chief election commissioner H.S. Brahma said that illegal Bangladeshis dominated in as many as 15 of the 33 districts of Assam. Illegal migration is driven by the need for land and work. The only way to tackle this issue is by denying Bangladeshis any stake in resources, says lawyer Upamanyu Hazarika, who was appointed by the Supreme Court in 2015 to prepare a report on the various issues related to illegal immigrants in fears of the indigenous people got official validation in the Brahma report which commented that illegal Bangladeshis descend on the land like an army of marauding invaders armed with dangerous weapons, set up illegal villages, mostly on the char lands overnight, in the full view and with the tacit, if not active, connivance and encouragement of the corrupt government officers as also with abetment of communal political even as the process to update the NRC, taking March 25, 1971, as the cut-off date, nears completion, another legal battle in the Supreme Court, slated for the first week of August, threatens to nullify the entire process. In 2012, Motiur Rahman, working president of the Asom Sanmilita Mahasangha (ASM), an umbrella body of different ethnic and indigenous organisations, filed a petition in the Supreme Court against making 1971 the cut-off ASM claims that using March 25, 1971, as the cut-off date would ensure that millions of foreigners, who entered Assam between 1951 and March 1971, will get citizenship, threatening the existence of indigenous people. Between 1951 and 1961, the state's population leapt by 36 per cent, and by 35 per cent in the next decade as against national decadal growth of 22 and 25 per cent respectively. The Supreme Court will form a constitution bench in the first week of August and start hearings on the ASM's plea. If Rahman's plea is accepted, it will throw the entire NRC process out of the NRC will have equal impact on both Hindu and Muslim immigrants as is evident from the protests against the process emanating from the Barak river valley, dominated by Hindu Bengalis of Bangladeshi origin. The recent decision to put on hold in the NRC the names of family members of those declared foreigners by the Foreigners Tribunal has created a lot of apprehension in both the Barak and (the Assamese dominated) Brahmaputra tribunals (FT) adjudicate on cases referred to them by the local Foreigner Regional Registration Office, which itself works on the recommendations of the Assam Border Police Organisation. The FTs, set up in 1964, and the border police, set up in 1962, have been active even before the Assam agitation started. Governed by the Foreigners Act, 1946, there are currently 100 FTs in Assam, up from 36 till 2015. Since 1985, FTs have declared more than 92,000 individuals there have been some embarrassing lapses too. In October last year, the FT served notice to Mohammad Azmal Haque, a retired junior commissioned officer of the Indian army, asking him to prove his Indian citizenship. In March 2017, 11 descendants of the first deputy speaker of Assam, Moulavi Amiruddin, were served notice by an contentious issue has been the exclusion of D-voters from the NRC. A category in Assam's electoral rolls since 1997, their names and that of their descendants would not be included in the draft NRC, says Hajela. Inclusion of D-voters would be subject to the decision of the D-voter tag, however, has already taken several lives in the state. In June, a 40-year-old daily wage earner, Abola Roy, committed suicide in Dhubri's Hakakura area following a quarrel with his wife, Saharibala, who has been marked a D-voter. Saharibala blamed her husband for not being able to earn enough to fight her legal battle. In May, marginal farmer Gopal Das, 62, of Nichlamari in Udalguri district committed suicide after being unable to bear the financial burden of getting the D-voter tag removed from his have complained of randomness in tagging D-voters. In 1997, Shah Alom Bhuyan, who later served as a security officer in chief minister Sonowal's residence, was marked a D-voter. In Tezpur, retired nayak subedar Dilip Dutta got tagged as a D-voter. A senior official from the border police offered an explanation on why several individuals from the police and armed forces got tagged as D-voters: If a person doesn't vote in several elections, he is likely to get a D-tag. Policemen and soldiers rarely get a chance to these lapses and startling numbers, the perception game has added to the xenophobia in the state. The difference in dialect and attire of the Muslims of Bangladeshi origin, even if they crossed the border before 1971, has resulted in lesser acceptance for them among the indigenous population. Take the paradoxical story of a 32-year-old lawyer in the Gauhati High in Fabindia kurtas and clean-shaven, he speaks fluent English and Assamese. His great-grandfather came from what was then East Bengal and settled in Assam before Independence. He is well accepted as an Assamese, but his 27-year-old cousin, a rickshaw puller in Guwahati's Hatigaon area, is routinely regarded as Bangladeshi. Attire does make a difference. The emergence of Badruddin Ajmal (of the All India United Democratic Front) and his Muslim politics mixed with the Hindutva chauvinism of the BJP has poisoned the well further. The perceived existential threat to the natives has only hardened, says the recently released linguistic data of Census 2011 has also widened the already existing faultlines between the Assamese and Bengalis. The percentage of people speaking Assamese decreased from 58 per cent in 1991 to 48 per cent in 2011 while Bengali speakers in the state went up from 22 to 30 per cent in the same period. In several Muslim-dominated areas such as Kalgachia, Baghbor, Chenga, Morigaon and Dhubri, Bengali speaking people are a big majority. To think that the illegal migrants will accept Assamese culture is just naive. Once they reach significant numbers, they'll dump the Assamese language as the Bengalis in Barak valley have done, says Muslim immigrants being the crux of the foreigners issue in Assam, the states crusade against illegal infiltrators did not have a clear communal distinction till the Narendra Modi-led BJP introduced a bill in Parliament in 2016 to amend the Citizenship Act, 1955, to provide citizenship to Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Though the bill covers refugees from three nations, it was primarily aimed at protecting the Bengali Hindu migrants from BJP tried to hardsell the bill in Assam, projecting it as a strategy to protect the Hindu identity of Assam against the influx of Muslims from Bangladesh but failed to take into account the fear among the Assamese of the cultural hegemony of the Hindu BJP had come to power in Assam after an election campaign promising to protect the states mati, bheti and jaati (land, home and community) from illegal settlers. The ploy to offer citizenship to the Hindu immigrants was seen as a betrayal of that electoral promise. Our position is very clear. Those who have come to Assam after 1971 cannot be Indian citizens. It doesn't matter whether they are Hindus or Muslims, says Samujjal Bhattacharya, AASU patron and a close friend of chief minister Sonowal. Sensing trouble, the Union government has put the bill in cold storage, at least till the 2019 general religion temporarily taken out of the picture, Assam is now waiting for a logical conclusion to the four-decade-long struggle to protect its land, resources and demography. It has been a battle between citizens and non-citizens, and that's how the people of Assam expect the rest of the world to see it. For better or worse, Ali, Roy and Kanu will have to stage a legal battle where their ethnicity will be of little to India Today Magazine- Ends
Time of India
01-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Geopolitics scores but other influencer contents take a hit amid Bangla turmoil
1 2 3 4 Kolkata: From a noticeable dip in viewership from Bangladesh to a marked increase in hate comments, Bengal's content creators have encountered significant changes amidst the ongoing volatility in Indo-Pak and Indo-Bangladesh relations. During the Aug uprising, content creators observed a drop in viewership from Bangladesh. While some managed to regain their audience, many continue to report persistent declines. In a bid to attract more engagement, several creators recently pivoted to producing more content focused on geopolitics. The escalating cross-border tensions have led to a surge in hate comments. Interestingly, this phenomenon has resulted in heightened viewership, greater audience engagement, and increased revenues for the creators. For many YouTubers, political tensions often lead to restrictions on the flow of media and content, directly affecting the reach and accessibility of creators and their material. Digital creator Zeeshan Ali, who runs a channel with 71K subscribers on Instagram, was badly hit. "I have a good following in Bangladesh, and they would visit the food joints I recommended once they visited Kolkata. After the uprising, the reach went. According to the trend, I should have 90K subscribers by now. Unfortunately, people from Bangladesh started unfollowing me. They are not keen on watching entertainment at all and are busy surfing content related to politics and conflict," he said. Actor and content creator Aparajita Ghosh, who presents podcasts on YouTube, expressed certainty that the viewership of her content would be double if the Indo-Bangladesh relationship had not become strained. "Any content I shared earlier would receive so much love from Bangladesh. People would generously comment. After the uprising, I hosted a podcast called Off Screen With Aparajita Ghosh. I am surprised that there is not a single comment from Bangladesh. I am sure the viewership would have been double, had this podcast been shared at least a year back," Ghosh stated. Aritra Banerjee, who has 176K subscribers on YouTube, faced the heat when the watch hours of his videos dipped during the Aug uprising in Bangladesh. "Bangladesh is a big market in terms of our viewership. The internet services were down during the Aug uprising. While my subscriber base remained the same, the watch hours dipped by 25% then. Once the internet connections resumed, the viewership was back," Banerjee said. "My show is about ghosts, and their viewership in Bangladesh remains steady at 11% regardless of any political developments. Ghosts are a different ballgame altogether, but I noticed several content creators who never engaged in geopolitics previously now produced three videos instead of one per day to take advantage of the increased viewer interest.," said Gourab Tapadar, whose 'Pretkotha' channel has 883K subscribers. Recent times have seen a surge in the number of hate comments for Indian content, with hyperactive trolls having a field day. Sharmila Maiti, who currently has 1.1 million subscribers on YouTube, experienced a 60% increase in hate comments on her channel. "People often watch content which they absolutely hate. They watch it to ridicule or troll. Last week, I posted a vlog with an interview of a meritorious student. Among the 600 comments I got, 550 were from Bangladesh. Most of them were very critical," Maiti stated. Such hate comments are not overtly detrimental for a channel as they help generate the engagement necessary for revenue.
Time of India
19-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
India's decision to restrict Bangladesh exports shaped by Dhaka's recent approach on Northeast
Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel India's decision to place restrictions on Bangladeshi products being exported to North-East India was shaped by several comments made by the interim regime including by Chief Adviser Md Yunus that it can choke the prosperity of NE states by denying them access to the Bay of associated with the regime gave repeated threats including after Pahalgam attacks that Dhaka could even contemplate to annex the NE states. Ex-servicemen organised rallies in Dhaka last year in support of the demand. Recently Yunus was on a trip to Beijing where he mentioned that North-East India is 'landlocked' and Dhaka is the 'only guardian of the ocean for all this region'Under the Sheikh Hasina govt, India had concluded pacts giving NE states access to Bay of Bengal via Chittagong port. This was also aimed to increase Bangladesh's revenues through royalty earned from the port for transportation of Indian goods, recalled persons familiar with the Indo-Bangladesh sinister design by the Yunus regime and the radicals led by pro-Pak Jamaat-e-Islami to create disturbances in the Northeastern states. For close to two decades Bangladesh was home to insurgents from the Northeast till Hasina handed over them to India in 2009. The subsequent years witnessed Bangladesh businesses making inroads into the Northeast and establishing consulates. India received transit rights for the Northeast via Bangladesh, which was denied by BNP-led governments in the ushering of the Yunus government also witnessed cargoes from Pakistan getting unloaded in Chittagong port for the first time in over 50 years. There are apprehensions of ISI cells getting reactivated in Bangladesh in the backdrop of Pakistan's growing military ties with Bangladesh. This will have cross-border implications into Northeastern Directorate General of Foreign Trade issued a notification on Saturday night and decided to impose port restrictions on specified Bangladesh exports to India across all land customs stations (LCSs) or integrated check posts (ICPs) in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram and through Changrabandha and Fulbari in north Bengal.
Time of India
22-04-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Driving sustainable growth in the logistics sector
The blogger is an IAS officer of 2002 batch in West Bengal. Saumitra holds a PhD in International Organisation from JNU. He has also done a Post Graduation in Journalism from IIMC, New Delhi and a Post Graduation in Education from IGNOU. Before joining IAS, he has worked with PTI, New Delhi as a Journalist, as a Lecturer with the Meerut University and as an Assistant Regional Director with IGNOU. LESS ... MORE West Bengal is a state uniquely positioned because of its offering many advantages critical to the logistics sector. It is the sixth-largest economy in India, with a Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) of Rs 17 lakh crore. Growing at an impressive annual rate of 15.24%, West Bengal is one of the fastest growing states in the country. With an estimated population of over 100 million, the state represents both a massive consumption base and an ever-growing industrial hub. What truly sets West Bengal apart, however, is its strategic geographic advantage. Positioned as the gateway to India's Northeast and land-locked neighbors like Bhutan and Nepal, it also acts as India's vital conduit to Southeast Asia. This strategic geographic significance makes West Bengal the ideal destination for investments in the logistics sector. The state's logistics sector is poised for an exponential growth, with the current market size estimated at $20 billion. Our key infrastructures includes strategically-located seaports in the form of the Syama Prasad Mookerjee Port (erstwhile Kolkata Port Trust) and Haldia Dock Complex. Together, they serve as major gateways for cargo, offering robust multi-modal connectivity. Together, these ports handle over 65 million metric tons of cargo annually. The proposed Tajpur Deep-Sea Port is likely to be a game-changer that will accommodate large vessels and significantly reduce logistics costs. Haldia Dock Complex (Image credit: SMP website) Extensive inland waterways provide immense opportunities for development of tourism, passenger and cargo services. With 4,593 kilometers of navigable waterways, including the National Waterway-1 and the Indo-Bangladesh Protocol Route, we are fostering greener and more efficient cargo transport systems. These waterways link us not only to Northeast India, but also to Southeast Asia and beyond, providing a cost-effective alternative to road and rail. Under the West Bengal Inland Water Transport, Logistics and Spatial Development Project, the state is exploring ways and means to operationalise the RoRo (Roll-on, Roll-off) service on NW-1, especially in and around the Kolkata metropolitan area. The initiative, if successful, is likely to reduce travel time for cargo and passenger movement while also significantly reduce the carbon footprints as a result of vehicles having to travel lesser distance. The state has already operationalised RoRo and RoPax services in the Sundarbans and Gangasagar areas. There are many private players who are also bracing to introduce RoRo services along the NW-1, not to speak of Inland Waterways Authority of India (IWAI) similarly conducting studies to this effect. West Bengal Inland Water Transport, Logistics and Spatial Development Project (Image credit: West Bengal government website) Better air connectivity is an advantage that drives the logistics sector in the state. Kolkata Airport, the largest freight facility in eastern India, is a critical hub for high-value and perishable goods. Recent enhancements, such as express courier terminals and the Centre for Perishable Cargo, strengthen its capabilities. The airports at Andal, Bagdogra and Cochbehar add to the available options and could be further leveraged for seamless logistics movement across the state using its airways. The state is further exploring the possibilities at such other locations as Malda, Balurghat, Charra (Purulia), Kalaikunda and Hasimara. West Bengal's extensive road and rail network is yet another infrastructural advantage that catalyses the logistics sector. Our road network spans over 100,000 kilometers, with 33 national highways connecting the state to the neighboring regions. Additionally, 1,409 kilometers of the Eastern Dedicated Freight Corridor run through West Bengal, connecting Dankuni to Uttar Pradesh and beyond. This must be leveraged to the advantage of smooth cargo movement from West Bengal to the other states. Extensive warehousing facilities including better inventory management practices and cold chain networks, as existing in the state, provide the enabling springboard for the sector. It is notable that West Bengal leads eastern India in warehousing capacity, with hubs like Dankuni and NH-16 witnessing a surge in demand. Modern facilities cater to sectors like e-commerce, FMCG and pharmaceuticals, meeting the needs of a fast-evolving market. Now, what makes West Bengal a preferred destination for logistics investment? These three core drivers include a conducive industrial ecosystem, well-endowed economic corridors and and strategic geographic location. West Bengal is home to a thriving industrial base, from MSMEs to large-scale enterprises. The state's Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSME) sector boasts over 42 lakh units, contributing 7.2% to India's total MSMEs. Our industrial clusters span sectors like textiles, leather, chemicals, and hi-tech electronics, driving demand for logistics services. The state serves as the terminus for several mega-corridors, including the Amritsar-Kolkata Industrial Corridor and the East Coast Economic Corridor. These corridors promise seamless connectivity to global value chains and open doors for exports and imports, enhancing the state's logistics ecosystem. West Bengal's connectivity with Southeast Asia through projects like the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project and the Trilateral Highway (India-Myanmar-Thailand) positions us as a strategic partner for India's integration into global value chains. Route of Amritsar-Kolkata Industrial Corridor (Image credit: NICDC) The Government of West Bengal is committed to creating an investor-friendly environment. The West Bengal Logistics Policy, 2023 embodies this vision. Some of the key features include industry status to the logistics sector, development of multi-modal logistics parks and freight villages, dedicated land banks for logistics infrastructure, streamlined approvals through an integrated single-window system, development of green logistics and the adoption of digital technologies and the existence of the West Bengal Logistics Centre of Excellence for fostering innovation and skill development. Additionally, initiatives like the West Bengal Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme and the Utkarsh Bangla Scheme, as conceived and stewarded by the Department of Technical Education, Training and Skill Development, are ensuring a ready-made pool of skilled workforce tailored to the sector's needs. Premier institutions such as IIT Kharagpur and IIM Calcutta complement this effort by nurturing managerial talent and innovation. Industries and businesses are availing the opportunity for sector-specific customized capacity building of human resources as required for spurring the economic and commercial activities in repective sector. Utkarsh Bangla Scheme (Image credit: NITI Aayog) As global supply chains shift toward greener practices, West Bengal is leading the charge with initiatives in green logistics. From leveraging inland waterways to reduce carbon footprints to integrating renewable energy in logistics parks, sustainability is at the heart of our strategy. Furthermore, the 'Blue Economy'—focusing on fisheries, maritime tourism, and coastal trade—is further set to unlock significant opportunities. The rise of e-commerce has also transformed logistics. Companies like Amazon and Flipkart are investing heavily in the state, creating a ripple effect in warehousing and last-mile delivery solutions. Quick commerce, driven by demand for shorter-delivery times, is further fueling the need for modern infrastructure and technological innovation. West Bengal's logistics story is one of opportunity and transformation. The state's strategic location, growing industrial base, skilled workforce, and investor-friendly policies make it the ideal destination for those looking to make impactful investments. From infrastructure development to operational innovation, the opportunities here are vast and varied. Whether it is developing multi-modal logistics parks, investing in cold chain solutions, or pioneering green logistics practices, West Bengal offers a platform for sustainable and profitable ventures. Leveraging all these advantages, the State has already created a logistics ecosystem that not only powers economic growth, but also enhances the quality of life for Bengal's strong infrastructures, ingenuous policies, facilitatory ecosystem and a strong commitment provide the enabling ambience for everyone to be part of this fascinating growth story. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
The Hindu
22-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
From The Hindu, April 22, 1975: Water begins to flow into Farakka canal
New Delhi, April 21: Water started flowing into the Farakka feeder canal at 11-00 hours this morning. An announcement to this effect was made amidst cheers in the Lok Sabha to-day by the Agriculture and Irrigation Minister, Mr. Jagjivan Ram, at the end of a statement on the Indo-Bangladesh agreement on Farakka reached in Dacca last week. Mr. Jagjivan Ram, who led the Indian delegation to the talks at Dacca from April 16 to 18 said: 'The House will be glad to know that an understanding has been reached during this meeting which enables the Farakka barrage to be operated and the feeder canal to be run during the current lean period.' He laid a copy of the agreement on the table of the House. Mr. Jagjivan Ram said: 'Since the discussions regarding allocation of the minimum flows of the Ganga during the lean months are continuing between the two Governments, the present agreement is a provisional arrangement to enable the running of the feeder canal. 'This agreement is a breakthrough for the Farakka issue and sets an outstanding example of mutual understanding and accommodation of the two neighbouring countries in the development of the waters of an international river. It is hoped that this understanding will further reinforce the relations between the two countries and would enable expeditious settlement by negotiations of the Farakka issue on a lasting basis.'
