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Criminal laws biggest reform since Independence: Amit Shah
Criminal laws biggest reform since Independence: Amit Shah

The Hindu

time19 hours ago

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

Criminal laws biggest reform since Independence: Amit Shah

Union Home Minister Amit Shah said on Tuesday (July 1, 2025) that the three criminal laws have enough checks and balances ensuring that police officers will be caught if there is any dereliction on their part in investigating a criminal case. Mr. Shah said that whenever the three laws are analysed, they would come to be regarded as the biggest reform since Independence as there can be no greater reform than making the justice system — which protects the rights of the people — transparent, citizen-centric, and time-bound. Mr. Shah addressed the programme 'A Golden Year of Trust in the Justice System' in New Delhi to mark the successful completion of one year of the new criminal laws. Lieutenant-Governor of Delhi V.K. Saxena, Chief Minister Rekha Gupta, Union Home Secretary Govind Mohan, and Director of the Intelligence Bureau Tapan Kumar Deka were present. The Home Minister said the new laws include several technology-based provisions which, once implemented, will leave no opportunity for offenders to escape punishment by availing the benefit of doubt. He said that after the new criminal justice system is fully implemented, the conviction rate in the country will improve significantly. Mr. Shah stated that in the last one year, about 14.8 lakh policemen, 42,000 employees posted at jails, more than 19,000 judicial officers and more than 11,000 public prosecutors have been trained in implementing the new laws. Notification of e-evidence and e-summons has been issued in 11 States and Union Territories, while Nyay Shruti has been notified in 6 States and UTs and community service as punishment has been notified in 12 States and UTs. He said the laws impose strict timelines on the three key pillars responsible for delivering justice to citizens — the police, prosecution, and judiciary. The new laws will shift the mindset from 'what will happen if I file an FIR' to a strong belief that 'filing an FIR will lead to prompt justice', the Minister said. From July 1, 2024, the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) replaced the Indian Penal Code, 1860; the Bharatiya Sakshya (BS) replaced the Indian Evidence Act, 1872; and the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) replaced the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898.

What new Kerala DGP Ravada Chandrasekhar means for CPI(M), poll-bound Kerala
What new Kerala DGP Ravada Chandrasekhar means for CPI(M), poll-bound Kerala

India Today

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • India Today

What new Kerala DGP Ravada Chandrasekhar means for CPI(M), poll-bound Kerala

Ravada A. Chandrasekhar, the Intelligence Bureau special director chosen by the Pinarayi Vijayan government as Kerala's new director general of police (DGP), has had a history of sorts with the state's ruling party, the CPI(M).Back in November 1994, Chandrasekhar had, as assistant superintendent of police (Thalassery), been in the crosshairs of the CPI(M) after police—on the orders of the executive magistrate—fired on a huge group of party activists blocking then minister cooperation M.V. Raghavan. Five people were killed and several others injured, and flak came on Chandrasekhar. The Congress-led front was in power in Kerala at the a 1991 batch IPS officer, takes over from outgoing DGP Darvesh say the choice of the new DGP had become a predicament of sorts for the Vijayan government, which faces assembly elections next year. The inclination, it seems, was to go for additional DGP M.R. Ajithkumar, an officer considered to enjoy the government's confidence. However, Ajithkumar's name did not feature in the shortlist of the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC). Besides Chandrasekhar, the other two candidates were Nitin Agarwal, road safety commissioner of Kerala, and Yogesh Gupta, director general of Kerala Fire and Rescue appears to have lost the race owing to his long service at the BJP-ruled Centre whereas Gupta had taken a firm stand on corruption allegations against P.P. Divya, the CPI(M) leader facing the accusation of abetting the suicide by death of Kannur deputy collector Naveen Babu last year. Gupta—at the time director (vigilance)—had ordered a probe against Divya for alleged disproportionate what he made of the Vijayan government's choice, CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan Master matter-of-factly told INDIA TODAY: 'The Left government has selected the new DGP based on the list given by the UPSC.'CPI(M) sources said a section of party leaders, including a state committee member, had expressed reservations over Chandrasekhar's appointment. But party circles had played them down. Govindan Master too emphasised that controversies not be raised over the government has issued a circular handing over the DGP's charge to additional DGP (law and order) H. Venkatesh till the time the new police chief takes does the police fraternity see the appointment? 'I would rate Ravada Chandrasekhar as a very professional police officer. The controversies over the Kuthuparamba police firing case have nothing to do with his integrity. As assistant superintendent of police, he had assumed the post just two days before and rushed to the site when the situation turned violent. The government suspended him but the high court acquitted him of all charges. During his service, Chandrasekhar remained an outstanding officer,' said A. Hemachandran, a former Kerala DGP, in a conversation with INDIA had met Vijayan on June 20 in Thiruvananthapuram in the run-up to his appointment. He will retire on July 31 next year, which means he will be the police chief in charge of law and order when the state goes to for Agrawal, he too retires on July 31, 2026 while Gupta has a term till April 30, 2030. Gupta's name is being considered for a central posting, but the state government has not given him an integrity certificate. The certificate is issued by the state government to confirm that no vigilance case is pending against the officer—a mandatory recommendation for appointment to a senior to India Today Magazine- Ends

Ravada Chandrasekhar, a 1991 batch IPS officer with IB, UN exposure
Ravada Chandrasekhar, a 1991 batch IPS officer with IB, UN exposure

New Indian Express

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • New Indian Express

Ravada Chandrasekhar, a 1991 batch IPS officer with IB, UN exposure

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: Ravada A Chandrasekhar, a Kerala cadre IPS officer of the 1991 batch who was named the state police chief on Monday, had been on central deputation serving as special director in the Intelligence Bureau (IB). A native of Godavari region of Andhra Pradesh, he holds a postgraduate degree in science, and began service in the force as an ASP at Thalassery in Kannur. Over the years, he has served as SP in Pathanamthitta, Malappuram, Ernakulam Rural, Railways, Vigilance Ernakulam Range, Crime Branch Thiruvananthapuram and Palakkad, as AIG-1 at the police headquarters and as commandant of KAP second and third Battalions. He has also been part of the United Nations Mission in Bosnia. This apart, he has served as the Kochi city police commissioner. As a DIG rank officer, he served in the UN Mission in Sudan and has held posts in Thrissur and Ernakulam Ranges. He was also the Thiruvananthapuram city police commissioner while holding the DIG rank. While serving as an IG in the State Crime Records Bureau, he was deputed to the IB as deputy director, and worked at IB offices in Bhubaneswar, Hyderabad and Vijayawada. During central deputation, he was promoted as ADGP and served as additional director of IB in Vijayawada and Mumbai. He was conferred with the President's Police Medal for Distinguished Service in 2015 and the Indian Police Medal for Meritorious Service in 2009.

Indian Constitution was murdered on June 25, 1975
Indian Constitution was murdered on June 25, 1975

Hans India

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Hans India

Indian Constitution was murdered on June 25, 1975

On the midnight of June 25, 1975, India was witness to the suspension of civil liberties and democratic ethos. Moreover, it was not merely a political Emergency but also a constitutional emergency in the truest and most tragic sense. Should we then not call it Samvidhan Hatya Divas? The day our Constitution was betrayed from within, not by invaders, not by enemies, but by its own custodians. Most questions remain unanswered even fifty years later: Why was Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed not impeached? With a stroke of his pen, he signed away the fundamental rights of the people—rights he had solemnly sworn to uphold. Was the oath to 'preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution' simply ceremonial? The then Prime Minister, bound by the collective responsibility to the Constitution, did not initiate impeachment—one of the gravest omissions in our constitutional history. If such dark conditions rose the doubt-can and should the President be impeached? But in 1975, silence prevailed over action. Compliance replaced courage. It was not just an Emergency—it was complicity. Fifty years back, the Emergency was declared based on the constitutional provision of 'internal disturbances,' which was later extended to include 'external aggression'. Ahmed's role was largely seen as supporting the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's decisions during that time. During his term as President, Ahmed also gave his assent to numerous ordinances and constitutional amendments drafted by Indira Gandhi to rule by decree. There were no reasons to justify the imposition of Emergency, a dubious reason 'a grave emergency exists whereby the security of India is threatened by internal disturbances.' The President did not cite any reports to that effect from the Intelligence Bureau, Home Ministry or from any of the governors, nor had the proposal been considered by the Union Council of Ministers. Article 60's 'Oath or affirmation' by the President says: Every President and every person acting as President or discharging the functions of the President shall, before entering upon his office, make and subscribe in the presence of the Chief Justice of India or, in his absence, the senior-most Judge of the Supreme Court available, an oath or affirmation in the following form, that is to say— 'I, A.B., do swear in the name of God/solemnly affirm that I will faithfully execute the office of President (or discharge the functions of the President) of India and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the law and that I will devote myself to the service and well-being of the people of India.' This is not a privilege of the President, or his/her duty? President's 'satisfaction' and the Constitution: How does the President reach 'satisfaction'? The President's satisfaction in the constitutional sense means that it is the 'satisfaction' of the council of ministers. The President acts on the advice of the Council of Ministers in most matters, including giving assent and amendments. Therefore, when a provision requires the President's satisfaction, it means that the council of ministers must be satisfied with the provision before it is presented to the President for his assent. The Ministers of the Union play a crucial role in the functioning of the President's office. They are responsible for advising the President on various matters, including giving assent to recommendations by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. The Constitution vests the executive power of the Union in the President, but this power is to be exercised on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers. One should examine Article 352 of our Constitution to read that empowered the President to impose a national Emergency on his satisfaction that the security of India or any part of it is threatened by war, external aggression, or internal disturbance. Article 74 of the Constitution, as it then stood, provided for 'a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President'. Unfortunately, the President did not know that the proposal was sent without any discussions with the Union Cabinet. The President learnt only after the 'ratification' of the Cabinet the next morning. Meanwhile, within three hours after the imposition of the Emergency, power supply to all major newspapers was cut, while many top opposition leaders were arrested and jailed. Top secret revealed at midnight! Author Gyan Prakash picked up this excerpt from the book 'Emergency Chronicles: Indira Gandhi and Democracy's Turning Point': 'President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed summoned his secretary, K. Balachandran, at around 11:15 p.m. on June 25, 1975. Ten minutes later, Balachandran met the pajama-clad president in the private sitting room of his official residence at Rashtrapati Bhavan. The president handed his secretary a one-page letter from Indira Gandhi marked 'Top Secret.' Referring to the prime minister's discussion with the president earlier that day, the letter said she received information that internal disturbances posed an imminent threat to India's internal security. It requested a proclamation of Emergency under Article 352 (1) if the president was satisfied with this score. She would have preferred to have first consulted the cabinet, but there was no time to lose. Therefore, she was invoking a departure from the Transaction of Business Rules in the exercise of her powers under Rule 12 thereof. The president asked for his aide's opinion on the letter, which did not have the proposed proclamation attached. Balachandran said that such a proclamation was constitutionally impermissible on more than one ground. At this, the president said that he wanted to consult the Constitution. Balachandran retreated to his office to locate a copy. Meanwhile, the deputy secretary in the president's Secretariat showed up. The two officials launched into a discussion about the constitutionality of the prime minister's proposal before they returned to President Ahmed with a copy of the Constitution. Balachandran explained that the president's satisfaction that internal disturbances posed a threat to internal security was constitutionally irrelevant. What the Constitution required was the advice of the Council of Ministers. Balachandran withdrew when the president said he wanted to speak to the prime minister. When he re-entered the room ten minutes later, President Ahmed informed him that R.K. Dhawan had come over with a draft Emergency Proclamation, which he had signed. Then the President swallowed a tranquilizer and went to bed. The author Gyan Prakash explained the sordid episode as follows: This late-night concern for constitutional propriety is revealing. What we see unfolding in the hunt for a copy of the Constitution, the leafing through its pages to make sure that the draft proclamation met the letter of the law, is the meticulous process of the paradoxical suspension of the law by law. The substance of the discussion concerns the legality of the procedures to follow in issuing the Emergency Proclamation. The political will behind the act goes unmentioned. This is because Article 352 (1) of the Constitution itself had left the judgment of the necessity for the Emergency proclamation outside the law. The doctrine of necessity regards the judgment of crisis conditions as something that the law itself cannot handle; it is a lacuna in the juridical order that the executive is obligated to remedy. This leaves the sovereign to define the conditions necessitating the suspension of law. Accordingly, the discussion at Rashtrapati Bhavan did not refer to the politics of the Emergency proclamation. Instead of resigning from the position as President, Ahmed should have been impeached as was the overall opinion in those days. The lovers of democracy expect the I.N.D.I.A outfit led by the Congress Party to assure that Emergency will not be repeated and the NDA to ensure that they will remove the dark situations of violating freedom of speech, and enliven the Samvidhan without killing it. Let us hope every Constitutional officer remembers their oath and the President will not sign without reading such documents like a rubber stamp. (The writer is Advisor, School of Law, Mahindra University, Hyderabad)

NIA begins probe into Afghan national case
NIA begins probe into Afghan national case

Hans India

time25-06-2025

  • Hans India

NIA begins probe into Afghan national case

Bhubaneswar: Following the recent arrest of an Afghan national in Bhubaneswar for illegally overstaying in Odisha, officials of multiple Central agencies, including the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and Intelligence Bureau, launched a probe into the matter on Monday. A two-member team from the NIA on Monday visited the Airport Police station here and collected details regarding the case related to the arrest of the Afghan national from Biju Patnaik International Airport (BPIA), Bhubaneswar on Friday. Meanwhile, sources also claimed that another team of Intelligence Bureau on Monday visited Peyton Sahi in Buxi Bazar area of Cuttack city where the accused Afghan national, Mohammad Yousaf alias Yaha Khan, had been staying illegally for the last more than six years. The IB team visited the rental accommodation of Khan and questioned the landlord to ascertain more details in the case. The Commissionerate Police are also reportedly planning to soon request the Court to bring Khan on remand for further investigation into the matter. As per reports, based on the written report of the complainant, Samapika Pattnaik, DSP, Immigration, BPI Airport, a case was registered and Khan was arrested on Friday. The accused on Friday arrived at the Bhubaneswar Airport from Dubai by Flight No. 6E-1488 and presented a forged Indian passport (No. U 1380251) in the name of Yaha Khan hailing from Cuttack.

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