Latest news with #Israeli-Arab
Mint
27-06-2025
- Politics
- Mint
Israel's war with Iran has reordered the Middle East—but not as expected
Next Story Stephen Kalin , Summer Said , The Wall Street Journal Israel's military success against Iran undermines one incentive for Saudi normalization and raises concerns about its growing power. Israel's air assault on Iran caused heavy damage in parts of Tehran. (Photo by AFP) Gift this article The Middle East is undergoing a dramatic realignment—just not the one U.S. and regional leaders envisioned less than two years ago. The Middle East is undergoing a dramatic realignment—just not the one U.S. and regional leaders envisioned less than two years ago. Before the Hamas-led attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, years of painstaking negotiations brought Saudi Arabia to the cusp of a landmark deal for diplomatic recognition of Israel. That would have solidified an Israeli-Arab coalition against Iran, locked in U.S. support for Saudi security and opened the door to greater acceptance of Israel in the Arab and Muslim worlds. This month, Israel's thrashing of longtime enemy Iran scrambled the calculations underpinning that proposed agreement in just 12 days. It was the bookend on a series of wars that defanged Iran's powerful militia allies Hezbollah and Hamas, helped advance the collapse of the Iran-backed Assad regime in Syria and ultimately put Iran itself in a corner. The Trump administration and Israel's government have signaled they want to make a new push for normalization. But with Iran now on the back foot, there is less incentive for Saudi Arabia to set aside other concerns to move forward. It will need time to assess the implications of the shocking advantage Israel demonstrated with its military and intelligence capabilities—and its high tolerance for the risks of using them. Senior Gulf officials are concerned their investment in relations with Washington, including hosting President Trump's high-profile trip to the Gulf last month, haven't paid off in influence. Trump's repeated encouragement of Israel's attacks and threats against Iran's supreme leader made them fear a wider war. In the end, Trump ordered a limited strike on Iran's main nuclear sites, then brokered a cease-fire that stopped the fighting, at one point warning Israel to turn its bombers around. But while the worst scenarios were avoided, Gulf leaders are going to reassess the landscape before moving forward. 'Everything is in flux," said Bader al-Saif, an expert on Persian Gulf and Arabian affairs at Kuwait University. A satellite image captures damage from the U.S. strike on Iran's Fordow nuclear site. Trump is eager to use the momentum from the Iran cease-fire to push for more countries to establish diplomatic ties with Israel, building on the Abraham Accords that he brokered in his first term involving the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan. 'One of the president's key objectives is that the Abraham Accords be expanded, that more countries come into it, and we are working on that," special envoy Steve Witkoff said Wednesday on CNBC. 'We're hoping for normalization across an array of countries that maybe people would have never contemplated would come in." But there remain significant obstacles to moving forward with normalization in the Gulf. The Saudis have made it clear they won't do a deal while the war continues unresolved in the Gaza Strip, where more than 56,000 people have been killed so far, according to Palestinian authorities who don't say how many were combatants. Saudi Arabia is also insisting on a credible pathway to a Palestinian state—something Israel firmly rejects—in hopes of addressing what it sees as the root of the conflict. 'It's going to take a lot of work, and the space isn't there now," a Saudi official said about establishing diplomatic relations with Israel. 'The urgency is the state of Palestine and not the Iranian risk." The geopolitical rebalancing under way in the Middle East adds to the complications. Israel's military and intelligence operations against Iran and Hezbollah intimidated Arab states, which worry Israel will take actions that they don't support and can't influence, said Rep. Zach Nunn (R., Iowa). 'Israel just became a victim of its own success," he said after meeting with leaders in Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E. and Bahrain, as part of a bipartisan Congressional delegation in the midst of the Israel-Iran war. The Gulf monarchies see Israel's military capabilities and want assurances they will use them responsibly, he said. Working with Israel to contain Iran became more attractive to some Arab states in recent years. Israel and the Gulf are both in range of Iran's missiles, and Tehran's support for armed factions in the occupied Palestinian territories, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen threatened the security of Israel and many Arab countries. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in 2017 denounced Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as 'the new Hitler of the Middle East." Around that time, a cartoon video surfaced online showing an amphibious Saudi invasion of Iran that ends with Saudi tanks rolling into Tehran and a triumphant Saudi crown prince. Breaking with the decade-old Arab boycott of Israel imposed over the Palestinian issue, the U.A.E. and Bahrain normalized ties in 2020. Trump tried to get Saudi Arabia to follow suit during his first term but ultimately ran out of time. A three-way deal negotiated by the Biden administration in 2023 would have committed Washington to help defend Riyadh if it were attacked and develop a civilian nuclear program with uranium enrichment, in exchange for U.S. access to Saudi territory and airspace to protect U.S. interests as well as restrictions on Saudi security cooperation with China. The Gulf, like Israel, has been on the receiving end of attacks from Iran and its allies. Saudi Arabia blamed Iran for a 2019 drone-and-missile assault on two of its biggest oil installations. Yemen's Houthis repeatedly attacked southern Saudi cities and the capital, Riyadh, hitting close to the front gate of the Saudi government palace in 2021. The militants also launched missiles and drones at the U.A.E., which participated in the Saudi-led bombing campaign in Yemen. Concerned the skirmishing could damage their plans for economic growth, Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. hedged their bets by reaching a detente with Iran in 2023, in a geopolitical juggling act to avoid having to choose sides. They leveraged that new relationship to avoid being pulled into the region's conflicts after Oct. 7. When Iran launched hundreds of drones and missiles at Israel in April and October 2024, it notified Gulf countries in advance so they could clear their airspace. When Israel responded, the Saudis warned the Iranians not to retaliate against Gulf energy facilities and lobbied Washington against Israeli escalation. Israel's campaign against Iran tested that careful balance. While the Gulf states are happy to see Iran weakened, talk of regime change reminded them of the U.S. occupation of Iraq and the chaos unleashed after Saddam Hussein was toppled. Even after the cease-fire halted the Israel-Iran war, Saudi Arabia is concerned Iran remains politically volatile and capable of lashing out, Gulf officials said. As the prospect of Israeli strikes grew this year, Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E., Qatar and Oman helped pass messages and mediate between the U.S. and Iran. Anwar Gargash, foreign-policy adviser to the Emirati leader, traveled to Tehran in March to deliver a letter from Trump, and Prince Mohammed's younger brother met with Khamenei in April to assure him that Riyadh opposed military action against Iran's nuclear program. Saudi efforts to keep U.S.-Iran diplomacy on track ultimately failed, and on June 13 Israel's confrontation with Iran landed at Riyadh's doorstep. Gulf officials said they lobbied Washington to pressure Israel to stop and were initially reassured that the U.S. wouldn't get involved. Where Saudi Arabia had benefited from growing U.S. and Israeli pressure on Tehran, it now fears becoming 'a recipient of a new regional order," said Maria Fantappie, who heads the Middle East and Africa program at Istituto Affari Internazionali, a think tank in Rome. The concern is Israel 'will not diminish and dismantle the Islamic Republic and then let the Saudis grow stronger." The Gulf states condemned Israel's strikes on Iran as a violation of Iranian sovereignty. They invoked similar language after Trump authorized strikes on Saturday night but calibrated it apparently to avoid provoking the mercurial president. They rallied again after the Iranian strike on a U.S. base in Qatar on Monday, coordinating a message of restraint and de-escalation to pave the way for the cease-fire. The Israel-Iran war flew in the face of a regional order the Gulf countries are trying to build that prioritizes prosperity over conflict, Gargash said. 'There are many issues in the region," he told reporters a day before the U.S. bombed Iranian nuclear sites last weekend. 'If we choose to tackle everything with a hammer, nothing will be left unbroken." Topics You May Be Interested In Catch all the Business News, Politics news,Breaking NewsEvents andLatest News Updates on Live Mint. Download TheMint News App to get Daily Market Updates.
Yahoo
03-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Why Israel barred Saudi FM and counterparts from Ramallah
Jordan's Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi called the move an example of how Israel 'kills any chance for a fair and comprehensive Israeli-Arab settlement.' Israel's decision last week to block a planned visit toRamallah by the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Turkey, and three other Muslim countries triggered predictable handwringing around the world, especially in those countries themselves. Saudi Arabia's Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud, whose trip would have been the highest-ranking visit by a Saudi official since 1967, said the decision showed Israel's 'extremism and rejection of peace.' Jordan's Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi chimed in as well, calling the move an example of how Israel 'kills any chance for a fair and comprehensive Israeli-Arab settlement.' A joint statement by some of the ministers who were scheduled to take part accused Israel of 'arrogance,' of 'disregard for international law,' and of pursuing 'illegitimate measures and policies that besiege the brotherly Palestinian people and their legitimate leadership.' These condemnations were loud, coordinated, and expected. But they were also, for the most part, performative — aimed more at international optics and domestic audiences than at actually changing Israel's position. Why would Israel agree to green-light a high-profile delegation intended to lend momentum to efforts to push forward a two-state solution precisely at a time when Jerusalem, in the wake of October 7, is adamantly opposed to the idea? Not only is the government opposed, but as polls show, the majority of the public is as well. AnInstitute for National Security Studies (INSS) poll in March found that support for a two-state solution declined to 24% among the general public, down from 38% in September 2024. Ten years ago, by comparison, a similar INSS poll found that 60% of the public supported the idea. In the March poll, only 15% of Jewish Israelis favored a two-state solution, a decline from 31% in September. A Jewish People Policy Institute survey from March had similar results, with only 11% of Jewish Israelis in that poll expressing support for negotiations toward a Palestinian state. The foreign ministers' visit was to come just two weeks ahead of an international conference organized by Saudi Arabia and France in New York to push for a two-state solution, with France considering unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state and urging other Western countries to do the same. In that context, the Ramallah visit was not an isolated diplomatic gesture. It was a launchpad. Allowing it to proceed would have been, in Israel's view, akin to scoring an own goal. Some argue that barring the Saudi foreign minister could further stall long-term normalization with the kingdom or sink hopes of bringing Riyadh into the Abraham Accords framework. But the Saudis themselves have made it abundantly clear: normalization is contingent on tangible Israeli steps toward Palestinian statehood. That's a line this Israeli government — and much of the public — is unwilling to cross, particularly after October 7. From the Israeli perspective, the Palestinians had a mini-state of their own in Gaza before October 7. That experiment failed — catastrophically. Hamas quickly took over, stockpiled weapons, built an underground terror infrastructure, trained a terrorist army, and launched the deadliest attack on Israel since its founding. To now replicate that failed model in Judea and Samaria would, in the minds of most Israelis at this time, be an act of sheer madness. Moreover, a look at the countries represented by foreign ministers in the delegation, at least according to some reports, reveals that Turkey and Qatar were on the list. Turkish President Tayyip Recep Erdogan is vehemently anti-Israel, implacable in his poisonous rhetoric, and hosts Hamas leaders in Ankara. Qatar, for its part, continues to host Hamas' leadership and is a major force, if not the primary force, behind the demonization and delegitimization of Israel around the world. Why, then, should Israel allow representatives of these countries into Ramallah to make political statements that could inflame tensions and further undercut Israel in the international arena? This is especially true as June shapes up to be one of the more diplomatically challenging months Israel has faced since the war began. The upcoming French-Saudi conference in New York is likely to rejuvenate calls for a Palestinian state based on the 1967 lines, with East Jerusalem as its capital. That's not a framework Israel is prepared to accept — and it need not play along. Not allowing the foreign ministers to visit was one way for Israel to try to prevent the move from picking up steam. Another option being floated in Jerusalem is a more muscular countermeasure: declaring that unilateral recognition of Palestinian statehood will trigger Israeli unilateral responses, such as annexing certain parts of the West Bank. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar and Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer have reportedly relayed this message to some European counterparts. Whether or not Israel ultimately takes that step, the message is clear: if the international community is going to act unilaterally, so might Israel. That message needs to be delivered forcefully because Israel's diplomatic isolation, exacerbated by the war in Gaza and its humanitarian toll, has emboldened key players like France and Saudi Arabia to try to dictate terms. Jerusalem cannot allow that to happen. Blocking the visit to Ramallah is one way to push back. It sends a signal that Israel is not going to stand by quietly while others try to predetermine its security needs and future. Partial annexation — as a warning or a reality — may be another. In this environment, symbolism matters. High-profile diplomatic visits carry weight, and so does denying them. Israel has made it clear: it will not be a passive participant in a process it fundamentally rejects and believes will endanger its security, certainly not in the shadow of October 7.
Yahoo
30-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Sana'a Daqqa, widow of Walid Daqqa, arrested for incitement against Israel, IDF soldiers
Along with four other terrorists, Walid Daqqa murdered IDF soldier Moshe Tamam and later made headlines by fathering a child through smuggling sperm from prison. Sana'a Daqqa, the widow of Walid Daqqa, was arrested during operational activity by police near the Nablus Gate in Jerusalem on Thursday night, an Israel Police spokesperson confirmed. She was arrested on suspicion of incitement, the spokesperson said. Daqqa was said to have published inciting material against the state and IDF soldiers "The Israel Police will reach out to any person, anywhere, who calls for incitement against the State of Israel and IDF soldiers and will bring them to justice to the fullest extent,' the spokeswoman affirmed. Police Commissioner Danny Levi ordered her arrest following a request from National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, police said. Daqqa praised a number of terrorists on social media, including her husband and eliminated Hamas leader Yahya Sinar, Walla reported. Israeli-Arab PFLP terrorist Walid Daqqa, who participated in the kidnapping and murder of an Israeli soldier in 1984, was celebrated by terrorists in 2020 after he reportedly smuggled his sperm out of Gilboa Prison to father a child. Walid Daqqa's efforts were reportedly fruitful as his wife gave birth to Milad, according to Palestinian Authority TV. Amnesty International claimed he had only been allowed to see his daughter once before his death. He received extra time on his sentence for participating in phone smuggling into Ktzi'ot prison, according to Israeli media. Walid Daqqa died of cancer in 2024 after serving 37 years behind bars following Israel's refusal of his efforts to gain early release. Along with four other terrorists, Walid Daqqa murdered IDF soldier Moshe Tamam. The courts found that he had ordered the kidnapping of Tamam for ransom purposes, but ordered his murder should any complications arise, according toprevious reporting by theJerusalem Post.
Arab News
23-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
UN appoints envoy to assess aid for Palestinians
UNITED NATIONS: The UN on Tuesday appointed an envoy to complete a 'strategic assessment' of the agency charged with aiding Palestinians, a spokesman said. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres appointed Ian Martin of the United Kingdom to review the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, or UNRWA, to gauge the 'political, financial, security' constraints the agency faces. The organization, broadly considered to be the backbone of humanitarian aid delivery for embattled Palestinians, has withstood a barrage of criticism and accusations from Israel since Hamas's deadly October 7, 2023 attack inside Israel and the devastating war in Gaza that followed. Israel cut all contact with UNRWA at the end of January, and has accused 19 of its 13,000 employees in Gaza of being directly involved in the October 7 attacks. 'We're trying to see how in this very complex environment, UNRWA can best deliver for the Palestine refugees it serves. For the communities it serves, they deserve to be assisted by an organization, by an UNRWA that can work in the best possible manner,' spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters. The review is being carried out as part of the UN80 initiative launched last month to address chronic financial difficulties, which are being exacerbated by US budget cuts to international aid programs. Not all agencies will undergo a strategic assessment, but UNRWA's operations in Gaza are unique, Dujarric said. 'We will not question UNRWA's mandate. We will see how UNRWA can better operate and better serve the communities that rely on' it, Dujarric added. The agency was created by a UN General Assembly resolution in 1949, in the wake of the first Israeli-Arab conflict, shortly after the creation of Israel in 1948. Throughout decades of sporadic but ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, UNRWA has provided essential humanitarian assistance to Palestinian refugees in Gaza, the occupied West Bank, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan. Educated at Cambridge and Harvard universities, Martin has previously served the UN on missions in Somalia, Libya, Timor-Leste, Nepal, Eritrea, Rwanda and Haiti.
Iraqi News
23-04-2025
- Politics
- Iraqi News
UN appoints envoy to assess aid for Palestinians
United Nations – The United Nations on Tuesday appointed an envoy to complete a 'strategic assessment' of the agency charged with aiding Palestinians, a spokesman said. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres appointed Ian Martin of the United Kingdom to review the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, or UNRWA, to gauge the 'political, financial, security' constraints the agency faces. The organization, broadly considered to be the backbone of humanitarian aid delivery for embattled Palestinians, has withstood a barrage of criticism and accusations from Israel since Hamas's deadly October 7, 2023 attack inside Israel and the devastating war in Gaza that followed. Israel cut all contact with UNRWA at the end of January, and has accused 19 of its 13,000 employees in Gaza of being directly involved in the October 7 attacks. 'We're trying to see how in this very complex environment, UNRWA can best deliver for the Palestine refugees it serves. For the communities it serves, they deserve to be assisted by an organization, by an UNRWA that can work in the best possible manner,' spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters. The review is being carried out as part of the UN80 initiative launched last month to address chronic financial difficulties, which are being exacerbated by US budget cuts to international aid programs. Not all agencies will undergo a strategic assessment, but UNRWA's operations in Gaza are unique, Dujarric said. 'We will not question UNRWA's mandate. We will see how UNRWA can better operate and better serve the communities that rely on' it, Dujarric added. The agency was created by a UN General Assembly resolution in 1949, in the wake of the first Israeli-Arab conflict, shortly after the creation of Israel in 1948. Throughout decades of sporadic but ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, UNRWA has provided essential humanitarian assistance to Palestinian refugees in Gaza, the occupied West Bank, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan. Educated at Cambridge and Harvard universities, Martin has previously served the UN on missions in Somalia, Libya, Timor-Leste, Nepal, Eritrea, Rwanda and Haiti.
