
Israel's war with Iran has reordered the Middle East—but not as expected
Next Story
Stephen Kalin , Summer Said , The Wall Street Journal Israel's military success against Iran undermines one incentive for Saudi normalization and raises concerns about its growing power. Israel's air assault on Iran caused heavy damage in parts of Tehran. (Photo by AFP) Gift this article
The Middle East is undergoing a dramatic realignment—just not the one U.S. and regional leaders envisioned less than two years ago.
The Middle East is undergoing a dramatic realignment—just not the one U.S. and regional leaders envisioned less than two years ago.
Before the Hamas-led attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, years of painstaking negotiations brought Saudi Arabia to the cusp of a landmark deal for diplomatic recognition of Israel. That would have solidified an Israeli-Arab coalition against Iran, locked in U.S. support for Saudi security and opened the door to greater acceptance of Israel in the Arab and Muslim worlds.
This month, Israel's thrashing of longtime enemy Iran scrambled the calculations underpinning that proposed agreement in just 12 days. It was the bookend on a series of wars that defanged Iran's powerful militia allies Hezbollah and Hamas, helped advance the collapse of the Iran-backed Assad regime in Syria and ultimately put Iran itself in a corner.
The Trump administration and Israel's government have signaled they want to make a new push for normalization. But with Iran now on the back foot, there is less incentive for Saudi Arabia to set aside other concerns to move forward. It will need time to assess the implications of the shocking advantage Israel demonstrated with its military and intelligence capabilities—and its high tolerance for the risks of using them.
Senior Gulf officials are concerned their investment in relations with Washington, including hosting President Trump's high-profile trip to the Gulf last month, haven't paid off in influence. Trump's repeated encouragement of Israel's attacks and threats against Iran's supreme leader made them fear a wider war.
In the end, Trump ordered a limited strike on Iran's main nuclear sites, then brokered a cease-fire that stopped the fighting, at one point warning Israel to turn its bombers around. But while the worst scenarios were avoided, Gulf leaders are going to reassess the landscape before moving forward.
'Everything is in flux," said Bader al-Saif, an expert on Persian Gulf and Arabian affairs at Kuwait University.
A satellite image captures damage from the U.S. strike on Iran's Fordow nuclear site.
Trump is eager to use the momentum from the Iran cease-fire to push for more countries to establish diplomatic ties with Israel, building on the Abraham Accords that he brokered in his first term involving the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan.
'One of the president's key objectives is that the Abraham Accords be expanded, that more countries come into it, and we are working on that," special envoy Steve Witkoff said Wednesday on CNBC. 'We're hoping for normalization across an array of countries that maybe people would have never contemplated would come in."
But there remain significant obstacles to moving forward with normalization in the Gulf. The Saudis have made it clear they won't do a deal while the war continues unresolved in the Gaza Strip, where more than 56,000 people have been killed so far, according to Palestinian authorities who don't say how many were combatants.
Saudi Arabia is also insisting on a credible pathway to a Palestinian state—something Israel firmly rejects—in hopes of addressing what it sees as the root of the conflict.
'It's going to take a lot of work, and the space isn't there now," a Saudi official said about establishing diplomatic relations with Israel. 'The urgency is the state of Palestine and not the Iranian risk."
The geopolitical rebalancing under way in the Middle East adds to the complications. Israel's military and intelligence operations against Iran and Hezbollah intimidated Arab states, which worry Israel will take actions that they don't support and can't influence, said Rep. Zach Nunn (R., Iowa).
'Israel just became a victim of its own success," he said after meeting with leaders in Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E. and Bahrain, as part of a bipartisan Congressional delegation in the midst of the Israel-Iran war. The Gulf monarchies see Israel's military capabilities and want assurances they will use them responsibly, he said.
Working with Israel to contain Iran became more attractive to some Arab states in recent years. Israel and the Gulf are both in range of Iran's missiles, and Tehran's support for armed factions in the occupied Palestinian territories, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen threatened the security of Israel and many Arab countries.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in 2017 denounced Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as 'the new Hitler of the Middle East." Around that time, a cartoon video surfaced online showing an amphibious Saudi invasion of Iran that ends with Saudi tanks rolling into Tehran and a triumphant Saudi crown prince.
Breaking with the decade-old Arab boycott of Israel imposed over the Palestinian issue, the U.A.E. and Bahrain normalized ties in 2020. Trump tried to get Saudi Arabia to follow suit during his first term but ultimately ran out of time.
A three-way deal negotiated by the Biden administration in 2023 would have committed Washington to help defend Riyadh if it were attacked and develop a civilian nuclear program with uranium enrichment, in exchange for U.S. access to Saudi territory and airspace to protect U.S. interests as well as restrictions on Saudi security cooperation with China.
The Gulf, like Israel, has been on the receiving end of attacks from Iran and its allies. Saudi Arabia blamed Iran for a 2019 drone-and-missile assault on two of its biggest oil installations. Yemen's Houthis repeatedly attacked southern Saudi cities and the capital, Riyadh, hitting close to the front gate of the Saudi government palace in 2021. The militants also launched missiles and drones at the U.A.E., which participated in the Saudi-led bombing campaign in Yemen.
Concerned the skirmishing could damage their plans for economic growth, Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. hedged their bets by reaching a detente with Iran in 2023, in a geopolitical juggling act to avoid having to choose sides.
They leveraged that new relationship to avoid being pulled into the region's conflicts after Oct. 7. When Iran launched hundreds of drones and missiles at Israel in April and October 2024, it notified Gulf countries in advance so they could clear their airspace. When Israel responded, the Saudis warned the Iranians not to retaliate against Gulf energy facilities and lobbied Washington against Israeli escalation.
Israel's campaign against Iran tested that careful balance. While the Gulf states are happy to see Iran weakened, talk of regime change reminded them of the U.S. occupation of Iraq and the chaos unleashed after Saddam Hussein was toppled. Even after the cease-fire halted the Israel-Iran war, Saudi Arabia is concerned Iran remains politically volatile and capable of lashing out, Gulf officials said.
As the prospect of Israeli strikes grew this year, Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E., Qatar and Oman helped pass messages and mediate between the U.S. and Iran. Anwar Gargash, foreign-policy adviser to the Emirati leader, traveled to Tehran in March to deliver a letter from Trump, and Prince Mohammed's younger brother met with Khamenei in April to assure him that Riyadh opposed military action against Iran's nuclear program.
Saudi efforts to keep U.S.-Iran diplomacy on track ultimately failed, and on June 13 Israel's confrontation with Iran landed at Riyadh's doorstep. Gulf officials said they lobbied Washington to pressure Israel to stop and were initially reassured that the U.S. wouldn't get involved.
Where Saudi Arabia had benefited from growing U.S. and Israeli pressure on Tehran, it now fears becoming 'a recipient of a new regional order," said Maria Fantappie, who heads the Middle East and Africa program at Istituto Affari Internazionali, a think tank in Rome. The concern is Israel 'will not diminish and dismantle the Islamic Republic and then let the Saudis grow stronger."
The Gulf states condemned Israel's strikes on Iran as a violation of Iranian sovereignty. They invoked similar language after Trump authorized strikes on Saturday night but calibrated it apparently to avoid provoking the mercurial president. They rallied again after the Iranian strike on a U.S. base in Qatar on Monday, coordinating a message of restraint and de-escalation to pave the way for the cease-fire.
The Israel-Iran war flew in the face of a regional order the Gulf countries are trying to build that prioritizes prosperity over conflict, Gargash said.
'There are many issues in the region," he told reporters a day before the U.S. bombed Iranian nuclear sites last weekend. 'If we choose to tackle everything with a hammer, nothing will be left unbroken." Topics You May Be Interested In Catch all the Business News, Politics news,Breaking NewsEvents andLatest News Updates on Live Mint. Download TheMint News App to get Daily Market Updates.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


India Today
33 minutes ago
- India Today
Deserves contempt: India rejects Pakistan's claim linking it to Waziristan attack
India on Saturday rejected Pakistan's attempt to blame it for a deadly suicide bombing in North Waziristan, where 13 Pakistani soldiers were Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) condemned the accusation, saying, "We have seen an official statement by the Pakistan Army seeking to blame India for the attack in Waziristan on June 28. We reject this statement with the contempt it deserves." advertisementEarlier in the day, a suicide bomber drove an explosives-laden vehicle into a military convoy in the North Waziristan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. The blast killed 13 soldiers and injured 10 others, along with 19 civilians, according to a local government official quoted by news agency AFP. The suicide bombing was claimed by the Hafiz Gul Bahadur group's suicide unit, a faction aligned with the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).The attack marks yet another instance of escalating violence in Pakistan's tribal regions. Since the Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan in 2021, Pakistan has witnessed a sharp surge in attacks in its border areas. Islamabad has frequently accused the Afghan Taliban of sheltering militants responsible for these cross-border assaults, an allegation Kabul to the news agency AFP, around 290 people, mostly security forces, have lost their lives in attacks by anti-government groups in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan so far this year.- EndsMust Watch IN THIS STORY#Pakistan


The Hindu
35 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Iran's man at the table
'It was the U.S. which betrayed diplomacy, but it is Iran which must return to the table!' questioned Iranian Foreign Minister Seyyed Abbas Araghchi in his address to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in Istanbul on June 22, immediately after the U.S. bombed Iran's three nuclear facilities — Isfahan, Natanz and Fordow. Set against Israel and the U.S., his job was to tell the Islamic world how Iran was betrayed by the same powers with whom it was talking. A former member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Mr. Araghchi rose through the ranks of Tehran's foreign affairs between 1988 and 2013. Joining the IRGC during the 1979 resolution, Mr. Araghchi was reportedly chosen to be a part of the 'Quds Force', the IRGC's external affairs branch. While Mr. Araghchi has denied his role in the Quds Force, he was inducted into Iran's Foreign Ministry as an expert in international affairs in 1989. He had served as Iran's Ambassador in Finland, Estonia and Japan, before he was made the official spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry. In 2013, Mr. Araghchi was made Iran's chief negotiator to hold talks with the 'P5+1' group (the U.S., China, France, Russia, the U.K and Germany) on its nuclear programme. After 20 months of talks, Mr. Araghchi was successful in getting all parties to agree to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was signed in 2015. Iran was given relief in economic sanctions and was allowed to have a limited nuclear programme under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The U.S., however, unilaterally pulled out of the JCPOA in 2018 under Donald Trump. Israel offensive After the October 7, 2023 attack by Hamas, Iran's then Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian asserted that Tehran had no prior knowledge of the attack. Israel expanded the conflict by attacking Iran's ally in Lebanon, Hezbollah, and killing IRGC commanders in Syria. Houthis, Iran-backed rebels in Yemen, attacked tankers in the Red Sea. In April 2024, in retaliation for an Israeli strike on the Iranian embassy in Damascus, Tehran launched ballistic missiles at Israel. On May 19, 2024, a helicopter carrying Amir-Abdollahian and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi crashed near the Iran-Azerbaijan border and Mr. Araghchi was chosen as the country's top diplomat in the Masoud Pezeshkian government. As Israeli airstrikes killed more Hamas and Hezbollah leaders, Iran launched its second direct attack on Israel in October that year, warning Israel to end its attack across its borders. Israel retaliated with air strikes. After Donald Trump returned to the White House, the U.S. offered dialogue to Iran, which Tehran accepted. On April 13, 2025, Mr. Araghchi held the first round of talks with Trump officials in Oman over the nuclear programme. 'It was a constructive meeting held in a very peaceful and respectful environment,' opined Mr. Araghchi. They met five times. On June 13, two days ahead of the sixth round of talks, Israel launched a massive attack on Iran's nuclear facilities, scientists and military leaders. On June 22, the U.S. joined Israel's war. Mr. Trump later claimed that U.S. strikes 'obliterated' Iran's nuclear programme. He also announced a ceasefire on Israel and Iran, after an Iranian attack at the American base in Qatar on June 23. 'Our nuclear installations have been badly damaged,' said Mr. Araghchi, accusing the U.S. of 'attacking the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of a UN member state'. Leaked U.S. Intelligence reports suggest that the U.S.-Israeli attack set back Iran's nuclear programme by a few months. Despite Mr. Trump's claims that talks with Iran would resume, Mr. Araghchi stated that Iran has no plan to meet with the U.S. over a nuclear deal, adding, 'we know our worth, value our independence, and never allow anyone else to decide our destiny'. As Iran recovers from the war, the challenge before Mr. Araghchi is to strengthen ties with the allies and manage ties with the rivals in a such a way that further external aggression would be prevented at least in the near future.

The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Excavating the past
A newly laid road runs through Keeladi, a village in Sivaganga district of Tamil Nadu, that has now earned a significant place on India's political and cultural map. A steady stream of visitors, particularly students, flock to the state-of-the-art museum established by the Tamil Nadu government which showcases the findings from the Keeladi excavation site. On the other side of the village, nestled among coconut groves, workers under the supervision of archaeologists continue to excavate land once believed to have been a thriving industrial hub. Square-shaped trenches reveal remnants of furnaces containing soot and ash, confirming that Keeladi was a centre for manufacturing beads made from quartz, carnelian, glass, agate, and other materials. Carbon dating of charcoal discovered at the site in February 2017 established that the settlement dates back to 6th century BCE. These excavations offer compelling evidence that urban civilisation existed in Tamil Nadu during the Sangam age. The findings also indicate trade and cultural exchange with the Indus Valley Civilisation. For Tamil Nadu politicians, particularly the leaders of the ruling DMK, the findings provided the much-needed grist for their political narrative. Chief Minister M.K. Stalin in January this year announced a $1 million prize for experts or organisations that succeed in deciphering the script of the Indus Valley Civilisation, pointing out that 60% of the graffiti marks found in Tamil Nadu had parallels to the symbols found on Indus seals. Long-standing divide The findings also fuelled the long-standing Aryan-Dravidian divide, and some expressed reservations about accepting the findings from Keeladi. This was followed by the transfer of archaeologist Amarnath Ramakrishna of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), who led the first two phases of the excavation, to Assam in 2017. The third phase was overseen by another archaeologist, P.S. Sriraman, who reported that there was no continuity in the brick structures. Excavations resumed only after the intervention of the Madras High Court. The Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology also took up the project and, in its report, asserted that Keeladi was once a site of urban civilisation, a claim that remains a point of contention among archaeologists. Those who dispute the claim of an urban settlement point to sites such as Harappa, Mohenjo-daro, and others in Gujarat, which, they argue, 'bear testimony to the existence of an urban civilisation,' whereas Keeladi, they contend, is just another excavation site without sufficient evidence to qualify as an urban centre. The return of the 982-page report by Amarnath Ramakrishna of the ASI, with instructions to provide further evidence and rewrite it, stirred yet another controversy. In Tamil Nadu, this move is perceived as indicative of the BJP-led NDA government's bias against discoveries emerging from the South. The current dispensation at the Centre is seen as reluctant to accept anything projected as superior to the Indo-Aryan heritage. Given the Centre's stance on Indian culture, language, and religion, the ASI's directive to Mr. Ramakrishna and his subsequent transfer is viewed with suspicion — even if there is a genuine academic basis for it. Mr. Ramakrishna, rather than pursuing the matter through academic channels, has joined the chorus of Tamil Nadu politicians, though many believe the Centre's motives are clear for all to see. Mr. Ramakrishna, from the beginning, has been maintaining that there has been no evidence for religious worship. What remains undisputed is the need for extensive excavation in Keeladi and surrounding areas. Madurai and its neighbouring regions along the banks of the Vaigai are undeniably ancient settlements. It is crucial to have excavations on the scale of those at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro to substantiate the claim of a flourishing urban civilisation in Tamil Nadu. The ASI has the responsibility of undertaking this effort with the support of the Tamil Nadu government.