Latest news with #MohammedAbdulsalam
Saba Yemen
24-06-2025
- Politics
- Saba Yemen
Iran's nuclear rights affirm enemy failure, says Abdulsalam
Sana'a – Saba: Head of the national negotiating delegation Mohammed Abdulsalam on Tuesday asserted that Iran's steadfast 12-day confrontation, waged with immense strength, resilience, capability, and significant sacrifices, is the price of its unwavering will for independence, freedom, and principled stance on the Palestinian issue. In a post on X, Abdulsalam explained that the daily and devastating missile strikes on the Zionist entity marked a glorious chapter in Iran's history. He highlighted Iran as the first Islamic nation to confront an enemy heavily armed with the latest Western weaponry using its own arsenal. Abdulsalam noted that the conflict was not just against Israel, which he described as an advanced American base, but also against the U.S. and other Western nations that aligned with the aggressors. Abdulsalam pointed out that Iran's retention of its peaceful nuclear rights and its principled positions underscore the enemy's failure to achieve its declared objectives. He stressed that the crimes committed against Iran's scientific and military personnel, alongside the bombing of various facilities, will not deter Iran from its legitimate rights. "Iran's heroic resistance against the Israeli enemy aggression has given the Arab and Islamic nation hope in the possibility of confronting this enemy and refusing to succumb to its terms," the head of the national delegation stated. He added, "It conveyed a strong message that the region will not be violated without a price, and that "Israel" is incapable of fighting any battle without American support." Abdulsalam concluded by emphasizing that the sovereignty and restoration of dignity for regional countries depend on abandoning internal disputes and uniting on common ground. He urged them to recognize that they are all threatened by an entity that the U.S. intends to use as a "heavy stick" to strike any nation aspiring for strength, dignity, and independence. Whatsapp Telegram Email Print
Khabar Agency
20-06-2025
- Business
- Khabar Agency
U.S. Treasury Takes Major Action Against Iran Maritime Network and Houthi Oil Smuggling Operations
At the center of the Iran-focused sanctions is the Panama-flagged bulk carrier SHUN KAI XING, owned by Hong Kong-based Unico Shipping Co Ltd. The vessel was caught transporting sensitive machinery intended for Iran's defense industry. The shipment was destined for two Iranian companies: the OFAC-designated Rayan Roshd Afzar Company (RRA) and Towse Sanaye Nim Resanaye Tarashe. 'The United States remains resolved to disrupt any effort by Iran to procure the sensitive, dual-use technology, components, and machinery that underpin the regime's ballistic missile, unmanned aerial vehicle, and asymmetric weapons programs,' said Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. The investigation revealed a complex network of companies involved in the attempted smuggling operation. China-based Futech Co Limited and Dongguan Zanyin Machinery and Equipment Co Ltd were identified as the original shippers of the sensitive goods. When the shipment was inspected, Unico Shipping attempted to conceal the Iranian destinations through falsified documentation. In a parallel action, OFAC targeted the Houthi maritime network, sanctioning four individuals, 12 entities, and two vessels involved in oil smuggling operations. The sanctions, the largest against the Iran-backed group to date, specifically target Houthi front companies operating in Sana'a and Hudaydah, Yemen, which have been generating significant revenue through black market oil sales. Among the designated entities is Black Diamond Petroleum Derivatives, a Sana'a-based company managed by U.S.-designated Houthi spokesperson Mohammed Abdulsalam. The company has been identified as a key player in smuggling Iranian oil into Yemen. Another significant target is Royal Plus Shipping Services and Commercial Agencies, which has facilitated oil sales from the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and managed weapons-related financial transfers between the Houthis, Russia, and Iran. 'Today's action—our most significant to date against the group—underscores our commitment to disrupting the Houthis' financial and shipping pipelines that enable their reckless behavior in the Red Sea and the surrounding region,' said Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Michael Faulkender. The sanctions were implemented under Executive Order 13382, which targets proliferators of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems, and Executive Order 13224, as amended. These actions build upon previous enforcement measures taken throughout 2024 and early 2025, reflecting an escalating response to Iran-backed maritime threats. HOUTHI OIL TRADERS AND SHIPPING FACILITATORS The Houthis use a web of trusted companies headquartered in Sana'a and Hudaydah, Yemen to facilitate the sale of oil across Houthi-controlled territory in Yemen, many of which are directly linked to high-ranking Houthi operatives. Houthi leaders charge Yemenis exorbitant prices for oil and oil derivatives, pocketing the proceeds from these sales for personal gain and to fund the group's militant operations. Black Diamond Petroleum Derivatives(Black Diamond) is a Sana'a-based company that facilitates oil sales and payments in support of the Houthis. Black Diamond is tied to key Houthi leaders and businessmen, including the U.S.-designated Houthi spokespersonMohammed Abdulsalam (Abdulsalam), who manages Black Diamond's operations. Black Diamond smuggled Iranian oil into Yemen, and the Houthi movement relied on the revenue from the sale of this oil for its operations. Houthi leaders have also showcased Black Diamond's ability to import tens of thousands of tons of oil every month during negotiations with representatives from the Russian government over future oil deals between the Houthis and Moscow. Star Plus Yemen (Star Plus) is a Hudaydah-based company that operates under the direction of Abdulsalam and other prominent Houthi operatives. Star Plus acts as a broker between Houthi-aligned front companies and suppliers to extract revenue from oil sales within Yemen. In addition to supporting Houthi oil importation schemes, Star Plus has also facilitated Houthi efforts to purchase and smuggle dual-use components used to manufacture weapons from suppliers in Asia into Houthi-controlled ports. Tamco Establishment for Oil Derivatives(Tamco), headquartered in Sana'a, is a key front company in the Houthis' oil smuggling network, enabling Houthi operatives to conceal the true beneficiaries and end-users of imported oil and other commodities. Tamco operates under the supervision of Houthi operatives and affiliates, including Abdulsalam. The Sana'a-based Royal Plus Shipping Services and Commercial Agencies(Royal Plus) is a front company that has enabled Houthi oil smuggling and sales. Royal Plus has facilitated the sale of oil sourced from the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), delivering the proceeds from these sales to Houthi leaders in exchange for a privileged position within the Houthis' oil derivatives market. Royal Plus has also acted as a payments facilitator in support of Houthi procurement efforts, managing financial transfers between the Houthis, Russia, and Iran for the purchase and acquisition of weapons and other military equipment, including UAV engines. Yahya Al-Usaili Company for Import Limited(Al-Usaili Co) is a Houthi front company that coordinates with Houthi operatives in Sana'a to import oil in exchange for foreign currency. Al-Usaili Co makes and receives payments for oil sales using accounts held at banks located in Houthi-controlled territory, which enables Al-Usaili Co to hide the end-users and beneficiaries of these sales in support of Houthi smuggling efforts. Al-Usaili Co maintained connections with the IRGC, which it leveraged to facilitate the importation of petroleum products for the Houthis. Gasoline Aman Company for Oil Derivatives Imports(Gasoline Aman), headquartered in Sana'a, is a Houthi front company that facilitates Houthi oil smuggling operations. The Houthis allow Gasoline Aman and other front companies to receive a small percentage fee from each oil sale in exchange for hiding Houthi involvement in the transaction. Azzahra Establishment for Commerce and Agencies(Azzahra) is a Houthi front company that plays a key role in transferring funds from oil sales to Houthi operatives and Houthi-affiliated organizations. Azzahra has enabled the Houthis to extract revenue from oil sales by laundering hundreds of millions of dollars for Houthi leaders in Hudaydah. Yemen Elaph Petroleum Derivatives Import(Yemen Elaph) is a Sana'a-based oil import company owned by Houthi operative Abdullah Ahsan Abdullah Dabbash(Dabbash). Under Dabbash's leadership, Yemen Elaph imports, sells, and distributes oil derivatives via the black market in Houthi-controlled areas and is one of only a few Houthi-controlled companies that has exclusive rights to import through the Houthi-controlled ports of Hudaydah and Al-Salif. Abbot Trading Co., Ltd.(Abbot) is a Sana'a-based shipping and logistics company that has generated revenue by facilitating oil and oil derivatives sales in Houthi-controlled areas. Abbot is one of the most important Houthi-affiliated front companies established by Houthi operatives within the past 10 years to control trade in oil derivatives, general trade, and other critical economic sectors. The Houthis funnel profits from Abbot's activities to finance the group's attacks and procurement of military-grade items. Prominent Houthi businessman Ali Ahmed Daghsan Talea (Talea) operates Abbot in coordination with his brother, Houthi smuggling operative Daghsan Ahmed Daghsan (Daghsan). Talea leverages Abbot to generate revenue in support of the Houthis from oil sales and smuggling efforts. Daghsan manages Abbot as one part of a broader network of front companies that funnel vast sums of money to the Houthis from key sectors of Yemen's economy, including oil and gas, import and export, and general trade. Daghsan, Talea, and other Houthi leaders have coordinated to establish numerous companies registered under the names of Daghsan's other family members. Black Diamond Petroleum Derivatives, Star Plus Yemen, Tamco Establishment for Oil Derivatives, Royal Plus Shipping Services and Commercial Agencies, Yahya Al-Usaili Company for Import Limited, Gasoline Aman Company for Oil Derivatives Imports, Azzahra Establishment for Commerce and Agencies, Yemen Elaph Petroleum Derivatives Import, Abbot Trading Co., Ltd., Ali Ahmed Daghsan Talea, and Daghsan Ahmed Daghsan are being designated pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended, for having materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for, or goods or services to or in support of, Ansarallah. Abdullah Ahsan Abdullah Dabbash is being designated pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended, for owning or controlling, directly or indirectly, Yemen Elaph Petroleum Derivatives Import. HOUTHI-ALIGNED MANAGER OF HUDAYDAH AND AL-SALIF PORTS Zaid Al-Washli (Al-Washli) is the head of the Houthi-aligned port management company, which controls operations at key Houthi-controlled ports, including Hudaydah and Al-Salif. In his role, Al-Washli also coordinates weapons procurement and smuggling efforts on behalf of the Houthis, including of key dual-use components for use in UAV production. Al-Washli collaborates with Houthi procurement operatives to fill Houthi materiel needs and coordinates with Houthi political operatives to advance the Houthis' position in negotiations with shipping companies. Zaid Al-Washli is being designated pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended, for being owned, controlled, or directed by, or for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, Ansarallah. CONTINUED DELIVERY OFREFINED PETROLEUM PRODUCTS TO HOUTHI-CONTROLLED PORTS OnApril 28, 2025, OFAC identified three vessels and designated their owners pursuant to E.O.13224, as amended, for involvement in the discharge of refined petroleum products at Houthi-controlled ports after the expiration of Counter TerrorismGeneral License (GL) 25A. GL 25A wound down a previous authorization enabling the offloading of refined petroleum products in Yemen involving the Houthis through April 4, 2025. The vessels targeted today continued to supportthe Houthis through the discharge of refined petroleum products at Houthi-controlled ports, including Ras Isa, after the expiration of GL 25A. Best Way Tanker Corp. (Best Way) and Ocean Voyage LLC(Ocean Voyage) facilitated the delivery of gasoline to the Houthi-controlled port of Ras Isa via the vessel Valenteafter the expiration of OFAC's GL 25A. The Valente discharged over 60,000 metric tons of gasoline and departed Ras Isa port on May 17, 2025, over a month after the expiration of GL 25A. Atlantis M. Shipping Co facilitated the delivery of refined petroleum products into Ras Isa via the Atlantis MZ after the expiration of GL of mid-June 2025, the Atlantis MZ had discharged almost 60,000 metric tons of gasoline at Ras Isa port in Yemen, almost two months after the expiration of GL 25A. The Sarah was identified as blocked property in April 2025 pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended, under its former name, Tulip BZ, for facilitating the delivery of Liquid Petroleum Gas (LPG) to Ras Isa after the expiration of GL 25A, and in June 2025 was again at berth in Ras Isa to discharge LPG. Best Way Tanker Corp., Ocean Voyage LLC, and Atlantis M. Shipping Co are being designated pursuant to E.O.13224, as amended, for having materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for, or goods or services to or in support of, Ansarallah. The Valente is being identified as property in which Best Way Tanker Corp. has an interest pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended. The Atlantis MZ is being identified as property in which Atlantis M. Shipping Co has an interest pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended. The SDN List entry for Tulip BZ is being updated to reflect the vessel's current name, Sarah.
Yahoo
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - What the end of the Houthi campaign means for US power
After 52 days of combat, President Trump ordered the cessation of U.S. airstrikes on the Iran-backed Houthi terrorist organization on May 6. A fragile Omani-brokered agreement will notionally see the Houthis stop attacking U.S. military ships, aircraft and drones if the U.S. stops its strikes on the Yemeni group. Thus, Operation Rough Rider — over a thousand U.S. airstrikes launched in seventy waves — comes to an untidy end, at least for now. Rough Rider commenced on March 15, 2025 because the Houthis threatened to attack Israeli shipping in the Red Sea if the Gaza ceasefire broke down. On May 7, hours after Trump suspended U.S. operations, Houthi spokesman Mohammed Abdulsalam repeated exactly the same threat against Israel and 'Israeli ships.' This perfect circle makes one ask: Did the U.S. just conduct a thousand airstrikes, spend about a billion dollars, and lose eight drones and two F/A-18 Super Hornet aircraft for nothing? Worse yet, did the U.S. blink in a staring match with a tiny adversary, signaling weakness to great power competitors like China? Or, as 'restrainers' such as Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) promptly noted, has the U.S. just pragmatically extracted itself from a potential quagmire where it never should have been in the first place? The Trump administration was never united on the issue of Rough Rider, as the leaked Signal conversation underlined. The chief 'restrainer,' Vice President JD Vance, struggled to find direct U.S. trade interests to post-facto justify the U.S. pressure campaign against the Houthis. Being that the Houthis were never going to fold to U.S. military pressure — just as they did not submit to 20 years of non-stop combat against the Yemeni government and Gulf States — it was a matter of time before the U.S. sought a face-saver to back out of the fight. Almost from the outset, Trump and his team repeatedly stressed their willingness to end the operation if the Houthis would return to the status quo ante bellum — the exact same circumstances as before Rough Rider began. Masters at seizing the narrative, the Houthis are already convincingly portraying the U.S.-sought ceasefire as a U.S. defeat. For all the doom and gloom, the operation has done some good. Fifty-two days of U.S. airstrikes delivered long-overdue 'mowing of the grass' of Iran-provided missiles, drones, radars and air defenses in Yemen, plus the military industries and technicians needed to build and maintain them. The reality, however, is that all of this can be rebuilt, possibly within a year, unless Iran is prevented from rearming the Houthis by sea and via smuggling routes in eastern Yemen and Oman. The Houthis have a long track record of using such ceasefires to break the momentum of enemy efforts, recover, and then return to the offensive — overrunning domestic opponents, seeking to seize oil and gas sites in Yemen's east, and demonstrating their ability to threaten international shipping — except, of course, ships from their partners in China and Russia. The Houthis are playing the long game, and so should the U.S. If Israel is to be left to face the Houthis alone, Washington should quietly provide it with all the targeting intelligence needed to keep mowing the grass. U.S. drones should continue to overfly Yemen to 'trust but verify' that the Houthis are not preparing to strike U.S. forces. The U.S. should sustain its closer watch over Iranian efforts to rearm the Houthis. In addition, under the auspices of U.S. Central Command, draw together the Yemeni government, Saudis, Egyptians, Israelis, Emiratis and Omanis to create a Red Sea security group in which the U.S. is merely a convener, observer and enabler. Stress to all these parties that, should the Houthis threaten them, a collective defensive effort will be activated to provide missile and drone defense, much as Israel was protected twice from Iranian attacks in 2024. Most important, the U.S. should work to coordinate these partners to strengthen governance and ports in the non-Houthi parts of Yemen, where the UN-recognized government loosely rules. U.S. and Israeli attacks on ports and airports mean that other parts of Yemen — and land borders to the Gulf States — must now carry the burden of importing food and fuel, and they must do so without being intimidated by the Houthis. At very little cost and with practically no U.S. presence, Yemeni forces can be built into a counterweight to the Houthis on the ground, to contain their threat and incentivize Houthi involvement in the Saudi-driven peace process in Yemen. What does not kill the Houthis makes them stronger, and they will get much stronger if the U.S. now washes its hands of Yemen. In a brutal reckoning, the Trump administration was smart to extract itself from endless bombing of the Houthis. They can now be smarter than prior U.S. administrations by recognizing that there are median options between all-in and all-out. That means convening under one umbrella the forces that want to end the Yemen war and contain the Houthis, all while keeping the Suez Canal open and creating the stability needed to supercharge U.S.-Gulf economic partnership. Michael Knights is the Jill and Jay Bernstein Fellow with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He visited all the frontlines in Yemen during multiple trips in 2017 and 2018 and is the author of two books and numerous reports on the Yemen war. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
19-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
What the end of the Houthi campaign means for US power
After 52 days of combat, President Trump ordered the cessation of U.S. airstrikes on the Iran-backed Houthi terrorist organization on May 6. A fragile Omani-brokered agreement will notionally see the Houthis stop attacking U.S. military ships, aircraft and drones if the U.S. stops its strikes on the Yemeni group. Thus, Operation Rough Rider — over a thousand U.S. airstrikes launched in seventy waves — comes to an untidy end, at least for now. Rough Rider commenced on March 15, 2025 because the Houthis threatened to attack Israeli shipping in the Red Sea if the Gaza ceasefire broke down. On May 7, hours after Trump suspended U.S. operations, Houthi spokesman Mohammed Abdulsalam repeated exactly the same threat against Israel and 'Israeli ships.' This perfect circle makes one ask: Did the U.S. just conduct a thousand airstrikes, spend about a billion dollars, and lose eight drones and two F/A-18 Super Hornet aircraft for nothing? Worse yet, did the U.S. blink in a staring match with a tiny adversary, signaling weakness to great power competitors like China? Or, as 'restrainers' such as Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) promptly noted, has the U.S. just pragmatically extracted itself from a potential quagmire where it never should have been in the first place? The Trump administration was never united on the issue of Rough Rider, as the leaked Signal conversation underlined. The chief 'restrainer,' Vice President JD Vance, struggled to find direct U.S. trade interests to post-facto justify the U.S. pressure campaign against the Houthis. Being that the Houthis were never going to fold to U.S. military pressure — just as they did not submit to 20 years of non-stop combat against the Yemeni government and Gulf States — it was a matter of time before the U.S. sought a face-saver to back out of the fight. Almost from the outset, Trump and his team repeatedly stressed their willingness to end the operation if the Houthis would return to the status quo ante bellum — the exact same circumstances as before Rough Rider began. Masters at seizing the narrative, the Houthis are already convincingly portraying the U.S.-sought ceasefire as a U.S. defeat. For all the doom and gloom, the operation has done some good. Fifty-two days of U.S. airstrikes delivered long-overdue 'mowing of the grass' of Iran-provided missiles, drones, radars and air defenses in Yemen, plus the military industries and technicians needed to build and maintain them. The reality, however, is that all of this can be rebuilt, possibly within a year, unless Iran is prevented from rearming the Houthis by sea and via smuggling routes in eastern Yemen and Oman. The Houthis have a long track record of using such ceasefires to break the momentum of enemy efforts, recover, and then return to the offensive — overrunning domestic opponents, seeking to seize oil and gas sites in Yemen's east, and demonstrating their ability to threaten international shipping — except, of course, ships from their partners in China and Russia. The Houthis are playing the long game, and so should the U.S. If Israel is to be left to face the Houthis alone, Washington should quietly provide it with all the targeting intelligence needed to keep mowing the grass. U.S. drones should continue to overfly Yemen to 'trust but verify' that the Houthis are not preparing to strike U.S. forces. The U.S. should sustain its closer watch over Iranian efforts to rearm the Houthis. In addition, under the auspices of U.S. Central Command, draw together the Yemeni government, Saudis, Egyptians, Israelis, Emiratis and Omanis to create a Red Sea security group in which the U.S. is merely a convener, observer and enabler. Stress to all these parties that, should the Houthis threaten them, a collective defensive effort will be activated to provide missile and drone defense, much as Israel was protected twice from Iranian attacks in 2024. Most important, the U.S. should work to coordinate these partners to strengthen governance and ports in the non-Houthi parts of Yemen, where the UN-recognized government loosely rules. U.S. and Israeli attacks on ports and airports mean that other parts of Yemen — and land borders to the Gulf States — must now carry the burden of importing food and fuel, and they must do so without being intimidated by the Houthis. At very little cost and with practically no U.S. presence, Yemeni forces can be built into a counterweight to the Houthis on the ground, to contain their threat and incentivize Houthi involvement in the Saudi-driven peace process in Yemen. What does not kill the Houthis makes them stronger, and they will get much stronger if the U.S. now washes its hands of Yemen. In a brutal reckoning, the Trump administration was smart to extract itself from endless bombing of the Houthis. They can now be smarter than prior U.S. administrations by recognizing that there are median options between all-in and all-out. That means convening under one umbrella the forces that want to end the Yemen war and contain the Houthis, all while keeping the Suez Canal open and creating the stability needed to supercharge U.S.-Gulf economic partnership. Michael Knights is the Jill and Jay Bernstein Fellow with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He visited all the frontlines in Yemen during multiple trips in 2017 and 2018 and is the author of two books and numerous reports on the Yemen war.
Dubai Eye
09-05-2025
- Politics
- Dubai Eye
UAE welcomes ceasefire agreement to protect Red Sea trade
The UAE has welcomed Oman's announcement of a ceasefire agreement involving Yemen's Houthi group, aimed at halting attacks on US vessels. The move is expected to enhance the protection of maritime navigation and international trade in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The agreement also presents an opportunity to promote peaceful dialogue in Yemen and support broader efforts to resolve regional conflicts. In a statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs affirmed its support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving security, peace and stability in the region and around the world. Meanwhile, reports indicate that the US has agreed to pause military operations against the Houthis following their agreement to cease attacks on American ships. However, Houthi chief negotiator Mohammed Abdulsalam told Reuters the agreement ' does not include Israel in any way, shape or form". There have been no reports of Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea area since January.
