Latest news with #PearlHarbour
Metro
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- Metro
Kate Beckinsale 'paralysed' with grief after mother died in her arms
Kate Beckinsale has been left heartbroken after the death of her beloved mother Judy Loe. The 51-year-old actress revealed her mother died aged 78 earlier this week 'after immeasurable suffering', just 18 months after Judy's second husband and Kate's stepfather Roy Battersby died in January 2024. In an emotional Instagram post, Kate shared a series of photos of her late mother, and admitted she felt 'paralysed'. She wrote in a caption: 'I don't want to post this. I am only posting this because I have had to register my mother's death certificate and it will soon become public record. 'She died the night of July 15th in my arms after immeasurable suffering. I have not picked all the best photos, nor the best videos, because I cannot bear to go through my camera roll yet. 'I deeply apologise to any of her friends who are finding out this way or through the press, but I cannot go through her phone. 'I am paralysed. Jude was the compass of my life ,the love of my life, my dearest friend. The vastness and huge heart of this tiny woman has touched so many people who love her dearly.' A cause of death has not yet been confirmed, but the Pearl Harbour actress previously opened up about her mother's lengthy battle with cancer. Kate praised her 'brave' mother, who was also an actress, for the way she lived her life, and revealed her 'greatest fear' has come true after she found her late dad Richard Beckinsale dead aged 31 in 1979. She continued: 'She has been brave in so many ways, forgiving sometimes too much , believing in the ultimate good in people and the world is so dim without her that it is nearly impossible to bear. Mama, I love you so much. 'This has been my greatest fear since finding my father dead at five and I am here. Oh my Mama.. I'm sorry, I'm so sorry. I am so sorry.' Judy as diagnosed with stage 4 cancer in 2023, and in February this year, Kate asked followers on Instagram to 'say a spare prayer' for her mother. Earlier this month, Kate shared a video of her tearing up as she sang Bye, Bye Love by The Everly Brothers to Judy in hospital in a reference to a vocal group she had when she was 14. Kate said she is 'trying to keep the Four Teens going' as she welled up while singing in an emotional video she shared with fans, adding: 'I am a very poor substitute not being a very good singer. 'But I want my mum's dearest and oldest friends in her hospital room with her. (Sylvia) and Chris, please know I'm trying to keep the Four Teens going as best as I can from a distance and I love you both.' More Trending Kate also thanked her mother's friends for their 'support and love', while jokingly apologising to 'anybody in the hospital subject to [her] dreadful singing'. She said: 'It is a mark of my mother's extraordinary capacity for love and deep respect for relationship history that her friendships with her early school friends are still so very current. 'Love you all but most especially my mum.' Got a story? If you've got a celebrity story, video or pictures get in touch with the entertainment team by emailing us celebtips@ calling 020 3615 2145 or by visiting our Submit Stuff page – we'd love to hear from you.
New Indian Express
02-07-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
The world's only mega-bomber
There is a quote often attributed to Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto after Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour, that it might have 'awakened a sleeping giant'. A similar simile is attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte, albeit with a few variations: 'China is a sleeping giant/ dragon/ lion.' That the quotes are apocryphal is beside the point. They indicated directions in which the countries were likely to go. In the event, America got there first: it nuked Hiroshima and Nagasaki, becoming the first and only country in the world to have deployed nuclear weapons. China took a half-century more to get to a place where it can use nuclear weapons—but has refrained, as a matter of policy, from even hinting at the possibility of ever using them. The US went on to design other big bombs: the 6,800-kg 'daisy cutter', which it used in Vietnam, the Gulf War and outside the Tora Bora caves in Afghanistan in 2001. When it was 'retired' in 2008, it was replaced with the 9,850 kg Massive Ordnance Air Blast (MOAB, or 'mother of all bombs') first used in 2017 in Afghanistan and still in stock. And in 2011, the US made the 'biggest bomb of them all'—the 12,304-kg Massive Ordnance Penetrator or 'bunker buster'. After 14 years of aggregating 20 of these gigabombs, the US used them on Iran. In effect, in order to escape proscriptions in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons or NPT, to which the US is a founder-signatory, America went the way of non-nuclear devices with the explosive output of a small, tactical nuclear bomb. In her 2007 book, The United States and the Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons Since 1945, Nina Tannenwald wrote about the 'four critical instances where US leaders considered using nuclear weapons—Japan 1945, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Gulf War 1991'. That they did not was because of the so-called 'nuclear taboo', a moral construct that exists and, going by the number of nuclear weapon-owning countries that have not signed the NPT, despite the prevalence in governmentalmilitary quarters of the rationalist deterrence theory (or MAD, mutually assured destruction). But the way around the albatrosses of the 'nuclear taboo' and the NPT is building bigger and more destructive non-nuclear bombs. This is the route the US has taken.
The Age
12-06-2025
- Politics
- The Age
Albanese must make Trump an offer he can't refuse
And it's in that second option, change, that there is an opportunity for Anthony Albanese and the Labor government to cement the deal. Put simply, Albanese needs to make AUKUS great again by super-sizing the deal and offering the Trump administration more than was agreed to under Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden. As a former Defence official, who asked not to be named so they could speak freely, puts it, Trump's view is that the AUKUS deal began to be negotiated during his first term before Biden took over and closed the deal. Instinctively, Trump supports AUKUS because of the advantages it offers the United States in terms of additional basing in the Indo-Pacific theatre but 'it now needs to be bigger than the Biden plan', according to the official. 'We can't just offer them more money [Australia has promised to pay the US about $4.5 billion to help ramp up production of the submarines], it has to be bigger than that,' the official said. Loading 'The way to get support for it is to make Trump feel like it is his again. Australia will need to offer something like better facilities at Henderson [the submarine base in Western Australia]; a second graving yard, though they are expensive, would be ideal as it offers maintenance on US submarines and would take the pressure off Guam and Pearl Harbour.' Top US officials, including AUKUS skeptic Elbridge Colby, the Pentagon's Deputy Under Secretary of Defence, have spoken recently about the need for increased submarine availability - that is, for the US fleet submarines to be able to spend more time in the water and less time in maintenance. That's where the graving yard - a dry dock that raises submarines out of the water for more involved maintenance work - comes in. One is planned for the Henderson submarine base already but increasing the offer to two, so that US submarines can be serviced in Australia - and spend more time in the water and on duty - is the sort of offer the US would welcome. Albanese's first face-to-face meeting with Trump is expected to take place next week at the G7 summit in Canada. Between now and then, the prime minister and defence officials will be crafting an offer for the US president to consider while the review takes place. The prime minister will not be willing to cede any ground on the sovereign control of the US-made submarines and nor would he be willing to settle for a deal that sees US submarines rotate through Australian ports but for us to miss out on the submarine capability. But if Albanese comes up with an offer to make AUKUS great again, there will be little to worry about in terms of the subs deal proceeding.
Sydney Morning Herald
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
Albanese must make Trump an offer he can't refuse
And it's in that second option, change, that there is an opportunity for Anthony Albanese and the Labor government to cement the deal. Put simply, Albanese needs to make AUKUS great again by super-sizing the deal and offering the Trump administration more than was agreed to under Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden. As a former Defence official, who asked not to be named so they could speak freely, puts it, Trump's view is that the AUKUS deal began to be negotiated during his first term before Biden took over and closed the deal. Instinctively, Trump supports AUKUS because of the advantages it offers the United States in terms of additional basing in the Indo-Pacific theatre but 'it now needs to be bigger than the Biden plan', according to the official. 'We can't just offer them more money [Australia has promised to pay the US about $4.5 billion to help ramp up production of the submarines], it has to be bigger than that,' the official said. Loading 'The way to get support for it is to make Trump feel like it is his again. Australia will need to offer something like better facilities at Henderson [the submarine base in Western Australia]; a second graving yard, though they are expensive, would be ideal as it offers maintenance on US submarines and would take the pressure off Guam and Pearl Harbour.' Top US officials, including AUKUS skeptic Elbridge Colby, the Pentagon's Deputy Under Secretary of Defence, have spoken recently about the need for increased submarine availability - that is, for the US fleet submarines to be able to spend more time in the water and less time in maintenance. That's where the graving yard - a dry dock that raises submarines out of the water for more involved maintenance work - comes in. One is planned for the Henderson submarine base already but increasing the offer to two, so that US submarines can be serviced in Australia - and spend more time in the water and on duty - is the sort of offer the US would welcome. Albanese's first face-to-face meeting with Trump is expected to take place next week at the G7 summit in Canada. Between now and then, the prime minister and defence officials will be crafting an offer for the US president to consider while the review takes place. The prime minister will not be willing to cede any ground on the sovereign control of the US-made submarines and nor would he be willing to settle for a deal that sees US submarines rotate through Australian ports but for us to miss out on the submarine capability. But if Albanese comes up with an offer to make AUKUS great again, there will be little to worry about in terms of the subs deal proceeding.
Scroll.in
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
From the memoir: A former Army general recalls how soldiers opted to fight for India's freedom
On 7 December 1941, Japan came into the war against the United States. This naturally brought in Britain on the side of US, and India, as part of the British Empire, also became involved in the war with Japan. For her defence against Japan, India depended on Singapore as her bastion in the east. By the surprise attack on Pearl Harbour and the capture of the Philippines by the Japanese, Singapore was considerably weakened. Singapore's defences faced the sea, with the land approaches in the rear, undefended. Further, the Japanese had organized an elaborate espionage system in Singapore with the help of the local Chinese inhabitants living in the city, who gave up-to-date and accurate information on the day-to-day movements of British and Indian troops. Again, no one then believed that an attack could be mounted on Singapore by land, because of the extraordinarily long lines of communication through an inhospitable country. So, Singapore was unprepared from a land attack by Japanese – the bastion found itself unprepared, and it fell unexpectedly and rapidly. After the fall of Singapore, the Japanese drive towards Rangoon gained momentum. Rangoon was evacuated on 7 March 1942, and thousands of Indians began their track to India through the difficult jungles of the Arakan. Here, the forethought of the British in building communications became apparent. The fall of Rangoon had brought the war close to us, as Gen. Alexander's forces withdrew to the Eastern Gates of India, after fighting retreating battles in Burma against overwhelming odds, over such routes which we had helped to build. Defence measures had, therefore, to be concentrated in India, but full support for the war was lacking because Britain had failed to exercise sufficient effort in getting India to commit herself in the early days. This was unfortunate, as in September 1939, a wave of sympathy for England and against the totalitarian countries and against Hitler, had spread throughout the country, and there was a general feeling that India could have been easily persuaded to declare war against totalitarian aggression. But technically, India was at war when Britain was, and India was deemed committed without her leaders being consulted. It had even provided the troops which had helped delay the first German attack on Paris. The principal political party, the Indian National Congress, which was then fighting for India's political freedom, felt that as Britain was not prepared to recognize India's freedom after the war, Indians would come more and more to believe that this was not India's war despite Japan entering it, and the war reaching the very borders of the country. It was against this background that, in 1942, Gandhiji launched the Quit India Movement, which later that year turned to overt action. So, the relations between the British and the Congress became further strained. In retrospect, events appear to have been the natural outcome of the failure to get the cooperation of the Congress leaders, when it was still possible, in the early days of the war. In spite of these political differences inside the country, events in India moved fast. With Hitler's invasion of Poland, the army in India was mobilised in September 1939, and Indian troops began arriving in Suez from October 1939 onwards. The role assigned to this force was the Middle East and Africa, but some ancillary units were sent to France to provide transport cover to the British Expeditionary Forces. Among them was Capt Anis Ahmed Khan, who was earlier with us in the Madras Pioneers. During the retreat from Dunkirk, he was taken prisoner and remained in Germany throughout the war. I was disappointed that although we were the first troops to leave India for overseas duty, we did not contact the enemy till 1941, whereas those who left India after us, contacted the enemy almost immediately. During the Second World War, Indian Army units fought gallantly in France, Italy, Africa, the Middle East, Malaya, Burma and Indonesia, whilst at the same time protecting the North-West Frontier of India and carrying out their role of internal security within the country. These duties necessitated tremendous expansion. In October 1939, the strength of the army was approximately half a million, whilst in October 1944, it rose to over 2 million. Throughout this momentous period, our troops made substantial contributions to the Allied cause in the different theatres of war. About this time, news reached India of the formation of the Indian National Army (INA), under the dynamic leadership of Subhas Chandra Bose. When Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, some 60,000 Indian troops had joined what was named the 'Indian National Army'. This was to be the army of free India, with a provisional government under the presidency of Subhas Chandra Bose. But according to British Military Law, these men had committed the offences of mutiny, desertion and waging war against the king. For them, therefore, it was a very serious step particularly as their comrades, that is men of sister battalions of the same regiment and drawn from the same stock, were winning glory and admiration for their fellow soldiers, British and American, in North Africa, France and Italy. Perhaps the reason why some of these troops went over to the enemy was because of nationalistic fervour. Were these men right? These soldiers were recruited in the INA under the command of Capt. Mohan Singh, who made his choice from a genuine conviction and was prepared to suffer, and did, in fact, suffer for his beliefs. Further, the personality of Subhas Chandra Bose was overwhelming. But, in Military Law, the offence of mutiny cannot be condoned. This fact is of interest to the future leaders of our army. To new India, the Indian Army can only be a valuable asset if it preserves its loyalty and discipline. This question is of particular interest because there have been talks of independent states. It will equally be an offence if a soldier, in the event of a conflict with a state, prefers to fight for the state to which he belongs rather than to India as a whole. In December 1942, my name appeared in Indian Army Orders, to attend the Staff Course at the Command and Staff College, Quetta. About the same time, my posting orders came through appointing me to command an infantry battalion. I preferred this posting to an appointment of the staff. 'Staff' led to closer contact with senior commanders and gave an insight into higher military thinking. On the other hand, 'command' meant association with troops on active device, an experience to which I had been looking forward. I had had ample experience of regimental work; and was now anxious to 'command', particularly under conditions of modern war. So, I opted for 'command' in the hope of proceeding with a unit to a theatre of war. The 'command' came on 27 December 1942, of a newly raised battalion, the 6/19 Kumaon Regiment, which was then located at Bannu, on the North-West Frontier of India. The brigade commander felt that the battalion was not in very good shape, and I was given the task of preparing it for war in the shortest possible time. The regiment had good officers, six British and five Indian, the VCOs were men of experience; and the soldiers were young and active. What was required, however, was coordinated work and hard and intensive training; stress was also to be placed on discipline and firepower, as we had then to learn the special techniques required for conducting operations on the frontier, appreciating that the Pathans had a reputation for springing surprises, that they were good marksmen and very mobile on steep slopes. The Pathans carried merely a rifle and a bit of food. They were tough, used to the terrain and consequently very active. We, on the other hand, were handicapped with heavy boots and equipment and were not so mobile. We thus gave the enemy the advantage of mobility, and freedom to select the point of attack. The Pathans were also very clever with their ambushes, to which the only answer was to keep fully alert. An example of alertness is given in advance through Shakti Tangi at a time when no enemy had been seen. The intelligence officer of the South Wales Border Regiment spotted a cleft in the very close horizon, through which he could see daylight. Suddenly, daylight was blotted out, and he sensed that it was the enemy. As the men of the South Wales Borders took cover, there was a burst of enemy fire. The North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) has six frontier districts of the Punjab compared to six tribal areas administered directly by the Government of India. On the other side of the NWFP was the buffer state of Afghanistan, separating the two empires, the Russian and the British. The Durand Line, between Afghan territory and tribal areas which the British administered, bordered a belt of territory in which some tribes were vaguely regarded as British and others as Afghans; but neither were wholly subject to the authority of either power, though they were treated as British 'protected' persons. The tribes could thus play off the Amir of Afghanistan against the British, while the Amir intrigued with them to keep the British busy. People living in these areas were, therefore, very 'unsettled'.
