Latest news with #Rakhine
Arab News
19-06-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Arakan Army may be an unexpected ally for the Rohingya
In a striking twist of geopolitical irony, one of the most persecuted Muslim communities in the world — the Rohingya — may find their most realistic path home not through the government of Myanmar or through international institutions, but via an unlikely actor: the Arakan Army. Long viewed with suspicion by the Rohingya themselves and largely ignored by the international community, the Arakan Army has, over the past two years, emerged as the dominant power in Rakhine State. With the Myanmar military regime in rapid retreat and the national unity government struggling to assert territorial control, the Arakan Army now governs 11 of Rakhine's 18 townships. For all intents and purposes, it is the authority that now decides who may live — and return — to western Myanmar. This new reality should not be underestimated. For years, the global response to the Rohingya crisis has hinged on repatriation through negotiations with Myanmar's military or by placing pressure on the Association of Southeast Nations and the UN. Those efforts have categorically failed. Two rounds of repatriation since 2017 — one under the UN and another led by China — resulted in zero returns. The refugees in Bangladesh are disillusioned, aid is running dry and extremism is beginning to fester in the camps. As Prime Minister Mohammed Yunus of Bangladesh warned last week at Chatham House, without urgent action 'an explosion is imminent.' It is precisely this urgency that demands a recalibrated approach. The Arakan Army is not an ideal partner. It has, at times, rejected the term 'Rohingya' and its historical relationship with Muslim communities in Rakhine has been tense. But power transforms actors and the Arakan Army's recent statements — including those by its Commander-in-Chief Twan Mrat Naing — show a remarkable evolution in tone. Power transforms actors and the Arakan Army's recent statements show a remarkable evolution in tone Dr. Azeem Ibrahim The group has indicated it is open to the idea of peaceful coexistence, rule of law and even a phased return of refugees — provided certain conditions are met. In other words, it has moved from being a militant liberation movement to a proto-state willing to talk about governance. This shift opens a narrow but real window for engagement — and the Muslim world must not let it close. Arab and Islamic nations, particularly those in the Gulf and within the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, have long expressed solidarity with the Rohingya. But solidarity without strategy is not enough. Now is the time to develop a policy grounded in the new facts on the ground. That means initiating quiet backchannel dialogues with the Arakan Army leadership, exploring what kinds of political, financial or development incentives could nudge them further toward embracing repatriation. Bangladesh cannot do this alone. Dhaka faces tremendous domestic pressure over hosting nearly a million refugees. Its interim prime minister, Yunus, is one of the few regional leaders willing to speak candidly about the crisis and the risk of radicalization if the camps remain neglected. But without regional and Muslim-majority support, Bangladesh lacks the leverage or resources to independently broker a deal with the Arakan Army. Instead of pursuing unrealistic negotiations with the Myanmar junta or waiting for an elusive political settlement from the national unity government, the OIC should work with the Bangladeshi government and trusted international mediators to build a pragmatic roadmap for phased repatriation. Such a plan might include security guarantees from the Arakan Army for returning families; pilot return programs to test integration, with third-party observers; development support for local Rakhine and Muslim communities alike, reducing the risk of economic grievance or communal tension; and legal pathways for the Rohingya to eventually gain recognition and rights under local law. Many Rohingya remain skeptical of the group's intentions. The memory of past abuses and betrayals is still raw Dr. Azeem Ibrahim To be sure, this will require trust-building on all sides. Many Rohingya remain skeptical of the Arakan Army's intentions. The memory of past abuses and betrayals is still raw. But when faced with a choice between permanent exile in squalid refugee camps and a monitored, supported return under new political realities, many may opt to go home — if they believe it is safe. Here, the Muslim world can play a critical role. Countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Turkiye and Qatar — all of which have championed Muslim causes globally — can lend both political weight and practical resources to this effort. Their involvement can also reassure the Rohingya that they are not alone and that their fate is not being decided by a new group of armed men, but by a process anchored in international norms and Islamic principles of justice. This will not be an easy path. The Arakan Army still has much to prove. Its rhetoric must be backed by real commitments, including the cessation of discriminatory practices and the inclusion of Rohingya voices in political planning. The national unity government, too, must be encouraged to work constructively with the Arakan Army on this front, rather than cling to abstract ideals divorced from operational control. Ultimately, the Rohingya crisis is a tragedy not just for Myanmar but for the Muslim world. It has exposed our collective inability to protect the vulnerable, to assert moral leadership and to respond with coherence and unity. But if we are willing to think beyond conventional diplomacy and engage with the de facto powers in Rakhine, we may yet chart a way forward. The Arakan Army may not be the ally we expected. But it might be the ally we need — if we are bold enough to engage.
Scoop
19-06-2025
- Politics
- Scoop
Malaysia: End Arbitrary Arrest, Detention And Torture Of Refugees
(KUALA LUMPUR, June 18, 2025)—Malaysian authorities must end the use of torture in their Immigration Detention Centers (IDCs) and stop their arbitrary arrest raids against migrants, Fortify Rights said today. Several refugees, arbitrarily arrested and detained as part of a new campaign of immigration raids, told Fortify Rights that they were beaten, forced to maintain stress positions or stripped naked for prolonged periods, humiliated, and denied basic necessities while in detention. 'The use of violence and humiliation against refugees is unlawful and inhumane,' said Yap Lay Sheng, Human Rights Specialist at Fortify Rights. 'Individuals seeking safety and protection from persecution are being met with mass arrest raids, discrimination, and abuse at the hands of Malaysian officials. The government must end its approach of indiscriminate raids to solving the problems of irregular migration.' While ostensibly targeting undocumented migrants, the recent raids have resulted in the arbitrary arrest and detention of refugees, registered with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Malaysia. Fortify Rights interviewed 17 victims and eyewitnesses of the recent immigration raids in Kuala Lumpur, Klang, and Muar, including former immigration detainees, their family members, humanitarians, and social workers. The interviewees include ethnic Rohingya, Rakhine, Bamar, Mon, and Kachin refugees from Myanmar. They described a dramatic surge in immigration raids in recent months that included arbitrary arrests and detention of refugees. Fortify Rights' analysis of publicly available data shows that arrests for immigration-related offences have more than tripled in the past two years. Several refugees also told Fortify Rights how they were tortured while in the custody of Malaysian immigration authorities. 'Saiful,' a 58-year-old Rohingya refugee registered with UNHCR, who was detained in the Semenyih IDC in early 2025, told Fortify Rights that immigration officers tortured detainees as a form of punishment. 'The officers told them [the detainees] to hold their ears and repeatedly sit down and stand up a hundred times,' Saiful said, 'They [the detainees] were stripped naked of whatever they were wearing, even their underwear.' Another Rohingya refugee, 'Amar,' 25, described verbal abuses while being strip-searched in Semenyih IDC in February 2025: They told us to take off our clothes. … We took off the clothes and I felt shame to see all my people [treated] like this. Then they told us to sit and they said that we are doing wrong things in their country. … They called us animals, called us dogs. Rohingya refugee 'Abdul,' 21, who was arrested and detained in the Semenyih IDC in early 2025, told Fortify Rights: We were beaten in the IDC for talking. … Immigration officers came and beat us with black pipes on the soles of our feet. … They also beat us because the water they provided was too little … When we went to ask for more water, we were beaten. 'Hanif,' 30, a Rohingya refugee who was detained in the Bukit Jalil IDC in January 2025, also told Fortify Rights the torture he witnessed: There were these three people who were interrogated. … I saw the officer smashing the phone on [one of the detainees'] forehead with the front screen. I saw that it was hurting him and he kept smashing until the phone screen broke. … I saw that he was in pain. He was crying. In February 2024, 'Razia,' 34, visited her husband at a police station where he had been detained on immigration-related charges, despite being a UNHCR-registered refugee. Razia told Fortify Rights that her husband showed signs of ill-treatment, '[M]y husband's face was swollen. There was blood on his nose and his mouth. Before this [her visit], they had already beaten him.' During Razia's visit with her husband, she witnessed police officers beat him: For that one hour, … I could see my husband, but they didn't give me permission to speak to him. When I tried to talk to him, … a policeman said, 'We already told you, you cannot talk with your husband.' At that time, one policeman came [to Razia's husband] held his collar, then he punched his face. He punched his eye once. And they [police officers] pushed him around a lot of times. Razia's husband was then moved from the police station, but despite making direct requests to the police for information, Malaysian authorities have failed to tell Razia where her husband is. She has not seen or heard from him for more than a year. 'I want to know where my husband is and I want to meet him again,' she told Fortify Rights. For more than a year, her husband's whereabouts is unknown in what may amount to a case of a government-enforced disappearance. On March 31, 2024, the Malaysian government launched a year-long 'Migrant Repatriation Programme,' a program that offered irregular migrants an amnesty in exchange for agreeing to be repatriated to their home countries. Concurrently, immigration officials have vowed to 'ramp up immigration operations nationwide … to create an ecosystem that is unconducive for illegal immigrants.' Some migrants hail from Myanmar, where they cannot safely return. On May 17, 2025, Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail extended a further one-year extension to the programme. At the same time, the minister warned, 'The immigration enforcement division has been instructed to redouble enforcement operations to detect and arrest any illegal migrant that still refuses to participate in the program.' Data disclosed by the Ministry of Home Affairs shows that between January and May 13, 2025, immigration authorities have arrested 34,287 individuals, totalling an average of about 7,800 arrests per month for the first four months of this year. Fortify Rights's calculations show a surge in the average number of immigration-related arrests from 2024, at approximately 3,900 per month and a more than threefold surge in arrests compared to the average monthly arrest of about 2,300 in 2023. Refugees caught up in these raids reported that immigration officers ignored evidence of refugee status, including cards issued by UNHCR confirming the cardholder's need for international protection, and in some cases discarding or destroying the official UN documents. 'Our refugee card is not valid, has no value, at that time,' Amar, a UNHCR-registered Rohingya refugee, told Fortify Rights. 'When I showed them … They said, 'This card is useless, no need to share U.N. cards. If you have passports, then show me.'' Another UNHCR-registered ethnic Rakhine refugee from Myanmar, 'Tun,' 47, whose workplace in central Kuala Lumpur was raided in October 2024, told Fortify Rights that the authorities threatened him, 'Your UNHCR card is not valid, I will tear it up and lock you up.' Once in detention, former detainees and family members tell Fortify Rights that contact with the outside world, including family, legal representatives, and UNHCR, is extremely limited. Some detainees manage to call friends or family only after paying hefty bribes. Tun tells Fortify Rights, 'I paid 300 ringgit [US$68] to speak for half an hour. We have to hide behind the door … to avoid the CCTV.' 'Saira,' 29, described the ordeal of speaking to her Rohingya relative who was arrested in December 2024, 'After she was arrested, she called me … For three minutes, we have to pay 150 ringgit [US$34]. … I deposited money into [the officer's] personal account.' Due to this difficulty, social workers and representatives of community-based organizations, who are often first responders to immigration raids, told Fortify Rights that without timely access to the detainee or their family members, it becomes difficult to notify UNHCR or initiate the verification for their refugee status. Although Malaysia does not formally recognize UNHCR refugee status, in practice, authorities typically detain registered refugees for two weeks under a so-called 'verification' process. 'Kevin,' an aid worker who frequently responds to arrests in his community, told Fortify Rights that refugee detainees' access to protection often hinges on whether someone outside is able to alert UNHCR. We've seen a UNHCR cardholder detained past 14 days with no follow-through with UNHCR. … In another very similar case, … the family member informed UNHCR to follow through. So UNHCR was aware of the case and informed the depot where the person was held. Since August 2019, the Malaysian government has barred UNHCR from entering IDCs, hindering effective oversight and protection of refugees and other vulnerable individuals. The U.N. Convention Against Torture (UNCAT) defines torture as: Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. While Malaysia is not a party to the UNCAT, customary international law dictates that the right to be free from torture is non-derogable, meaning that it cannot be contravened, suspended, or limited under any circumstance, and that the prohibition on torture is universal, regardless of whether countries have formally joined UNCAT. Malaysia has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, and authorities do not formally recognize UNHCR cards as conferring legal status to cardholders. Under Malaysia's Immigration Act 1959/63, anyone who lacks a 'valid entry permit' is considered 'illegal' or 'prohibited' immigrants. Under Section 35 of the Act, officers can arrest 'without warrant' any person 'reasonably believed' to be liable for removal. Although Malaysia is also not a party to the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (the Refugee Convention) or its 1967 Protocol, the Convention provides authoritative guidance on refugee protection under international law. Under the Convention, a refugee is defined as a person unable or unwilling to return to their country due to a well-founded fear of persecution. Article 31 of the Refugee Convention notes that refugees should not be penalized, including through arrest or detention, in relation to their irregular entry or stay in a country of asylum, recognizing the fact that individuals fleeing persecution cannot always obtain proper documentation or official authorizations. Failure to ratify international conventions is not a valid excuse for Malaysia to violate the rights of refugees, said Fortify Rights. 'Malaysia must end these indiscriminate immigration raids, provide formal refugee status to people whose lives are in danger in their home countries, restore UNHCR's full access to detention centers, and put in place clear safeguards so that no one fleeing persecution is tortured, arbitrarily arrested, detained or forcibly returned,' said Yap Lay Sheng. 'Refugees and asylum seekers must not be caught up in the dragnet of Malaysia's migration policies.'
Globe and Mail
18-06-2025
- Politics
- Globe and Mail
Rohingya militants joining the fight for Myanmar's Rakhine, putting refugees at risk
As rebel groups have advanced across Myanmar in the past 18 months, nowhere has the Southeast Asian country's military government lost more ground than in Rakhine state, a strip of land along its western coast, bordering Bangladesh. There, the 45,000-strong Arakan Army has seized control of much of northern Rakhine and now appears poised to take over the entire state, even as the junta has pummelled resistance-held towns and cities with airstrikes and tried to mobilize a former bitter enemy against the AA. Since at least last year, Rohingya militant groups have been fighting the AA, often alongside junta troops or allied militias, and have recently paused a years-long turf war to control refugee camps in Bangladesh in order to concentrate on the battle for Rakhine, according to a new report by the International Crisis Group (ICG). A predominantly Muslim ethnic group with a long history of oppression in Myanmar, the Rohingya were targeted by the military in what is now widely recognized as a genocidal campaign in 2016, which left tens of thousands dead and drove the majority of the remaining population into neighbouring Bangladesh, where they have lived in sprawling and increasingly chaotic camps ever since. While Myanmar's parallel National Unity Government – an umbrella group of various ethnic armed organizations and resistance forces – has condemned previous administrations' treatment of the Rohingya and called for their inclusion in a future federal democracy, the Arakan Army, which purports to represents the majority Rakhine ethnic group, has been accused of massacring Rohingya civilians and seeking to drive them out of the region. 'Over the past six months, Rohingya armed groups have paused their turf war in the camps in southern Bangladesh and stepped up recruitment of refugees, telling them the only way to return home is by fighting the Arakan Army,' said Thomas Kean, ICG senior consultant for Myanmar and Bangladesh based in Melbourne. 'Such an insurgency is very unlikely to succeed but could do immense damage on both sides of the border, and undermine any prospect for repatriation of the more than one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.' At the core of this is the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), an Islamist armed group whose attacks on Myanmar military posts in 2016 were used as justification for the subsequent genocide. Largely operating in exile ever since, ARSA has become the dominant force in Cox's Bazar, a sprawling camp on the Bangladesh border where the majority of Rohingya refugees live. Over the years, ARSA has fought Bangladeshi security forces and other armed groups for control of the camps and has been accused of murdering civilian leaders who challenge it. Representatives of both AA and ARSA did not respond to requests for comment. In the past, both groups have expressed support for a multi-ethnic Rakhine. The situation for Rohingya in Bangladesh has grown increasingly dire in recent years, with international funding already insufficient before U.S. President Donald Trump moved to slash most of his country's foreign aid spending. The increased desperation in Cox's Bazar has made recruitment easier for armed groups like ARSA, according to multiple reports by aid groups. Since last year, despite longstanding opposition to the Myanmar military, ARSA forces have fought alongside the junta against the AA in multiple operations, according to local media and online statements by ARSA representatives. Fighting between Rohingya armed groups and the AA, 'as well as the presence of Rohingya in regime-controlled militias,' has had a 'ruinous effect on communal relations,' the ICG report warns, and hate speech on social media is growing, echoing a situation around the 2016-2018 crackdown, when genocidal messages spread widely on Facebook and other platforms. Some 200,000 Rohingya have fled Rakhine as a result of the fighting over the past year, according to ICG. Around 400,000 still live in territory controlled by the AA, and as the group becomes the dominant power in the region, it will be pivotal to any negotiations to allow refugees to return, something Bangladesh has long sought despite warnings from the United Nations and others that the situation in Myanmar is too unstable. Mr. Kean said that in order to reduce support for armed struggle among Rohingya refugees, AA 'needs to demonstrate to both Bangladesh and the Rohingya that it can govern Rakhine State in the interests of all communities.' 'Further conflict between Rohingya armed groups and the Arakan Army is in the interest of neither the Rohingya people, Bangladesh nor the Arakan Army,' the ICG report warns. 'Given the Arakan Army's military strength, armed struggle will not succeed in helping the Rohingya return to Rakhine State, and it could have devastating consequences, now that the Arakan Army in effect controls most of the areas where Rohingya remain and all the areas to which refugees would return.'
NHK
11-06-2025
- Politics
- NHK
UN envoy says violence puts Myanmar on 'path to self-destruction'
The UN's special envoy for Myanmar has condemned the continuing violence across the country, even after the devastating earthquake that struck in March. She warned that the conflict is embedding a "crisis within a crisis." Julie Bishop, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, spoke to the UN General Assembly on Tuesday in New York. She said the scale of the conflict has increased over the four years since the military takeover in 2021. A major earthquake rocked central Myanmar in March. The military says the quake has left more than 3,700 people dead and over 5,000 injured. The junta and pro-democracy forces declared a temporary ceasefire to prioritize relief efforts. Bishop pointed out, however, that the ceasefire has largely not been observed. She said, "If there is no end to the violence, Myanmar is on a path to self-destruction." Bishop also cited the dire situation of the Muslim minority Rohingya population in the western state of Rakhine. She said they are subject to forced recruitment and other abuse, and called for urgent international support.
News18
07-06-2025
- Politics
- News18
As Bangladesh Army Chief, BNP Resist 'Rohingya Corridor', Yunus Silent But Flags Fund Cuts
Last Updated: Sources in Bangladesh suggest the Rakhine Corridor idea has not been completely abandoned, and discussions concerning the Rohingya crisis continue Amid strong opposition from political parties, including the BNP, and the military top brass, Bangladesh's interim government, led by chief adviser Muhammad Yunus, has fallen silent on the proposed Rakhine Corridor talks. However, sources in Bangladesh suggest the idea has not been completely abandoned, and discussions concerning the Rohingya crisis continue. The army chief, during a private meeting with senior commanders, reportedly expressed serious reservations about the project's strategic and security implications. Political parties, including senior figures of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, also rejected the idea, citing national security concerns. 'Silent treatment'? However, the Yunus administration appears to be quietly pursuing the plan, seeking international support through global platforms, emphasising humanitarian grounds. A source familiar with the developments stated that a humanitarian passage, not a corridor, is now the subject of consensus among multiple stakeholders, including Myanmar, Bangladesh, and other involved parties. The proposed passage, intended to facilitate aid delivery between Rohingya settlements and camps in Cox's Bazar and designated zones along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, has faced sharp domestic criticism. Security analysts and several political parties, including senior BNP leaders, have warned that such a passage could create a semi-autonomous zone and further destabilise the region. A senior BNP leader, speaking to News18 from Dhaka, said, 'We cannot allow the Rakhine Corridor cutting across Bangladesh. We want a stable and peaceful country. We have presented our views to the interim government in this regard, and we will oppose any such decision that may put Bangladesh's security and stability at stake." Addressing the media in Dhaka last week, national security adviser Khalilur Rahman said, 'The UN only asked if Bangladesh could assist in sending humanitarian aid near the border, to be delivered to the Rakhine state by UN partners. We said we can consider," as reported by The Daily Star, a widely circulated Bangladeshi newspaper. A meeting between chief adviser Yunus and UN resident coordinator Gwyn Lewis this week has fuelled further speculation. According to an official statement from the Bangladesh government, the discussion focused significantly on the Rohingya crisis and future cooperation frameworks, with Yunus appealing for international cooperation and funds. 'In their meeting, the resident coordinator and the chief adviser addressed the pressing issues surrounding the Rohingya crisis and the ongoing financing challenges," the statement said. They expressed serious concern about significant funding reductions, which are severely impacting essential programmes within the camps. Yunus stated the 'urgent need for sustained solidarity and increased support from the international community to mitigate the funding cuts and reinforce Bangladesh's efforts to aid the vulnerable Rohingya population". While the Yunus administration has avoided public discussion of the proposed corridor following strong opposition, diplomatic sources suggest the concept of a passage has not been dismissed. For now, the Rakhine corridor remains an undeclared and inactive element of Bangladesh's evolving foreign and domestic policy. First Published: June 07, 2025, 07:30 IST
