Latest news with #Somali
The National
14 hours ago
- General
- The National
UAE Property: ‘Can my landlord charge a maintenance fee when I vacate?'
Question: I am writing to raise a concern regarding my recent experience with a property I vacated in the Al Jaddaf area in Dubai. When I first moved in, I submitted a security deposit of Dh4,000 ($1,089) for a unit measuring about 970 square feet. The rent was initially Dh80,000, then increased to Dh85,000, and was most recently raised to Dh93,000 following a change in building management. Due to the continuous rent increases, I decided not to renew and chose to vacate. During my two-year tenancy, the apartment experienced significant issues, such as cracks on the walls, the AC was never cleaned or serviced, the building's alarm system frequently rang at night, and the gas provider disconnected the alarm because it rang for no reason. Additionally, I personally paid to fix the shattaf and door, as maintenance requests during my tenancy were consistently ignored. Despite all this, I have now been charged more than Dh1,400 for 'maintenance' on vacating. I have asked the agent for a clear breakdown, and in response, I received unrelated images. What is more troubling is the pattern of discrimination I encountered. As a 30-year-old Somali woman, I often felt treated unfairly. There were instances where agents openly said that they do not rent to Nigerians or Sudanese, and when confronted, they deflected responsibility by blaming the landlord. I would appreciate your advice on how to escalate this matter. TA, Dubai Answer: It is common practice to give back a rented property in the manner it was given at the start of the tenancy. If it was painted and cleaned before, this would need to be done while returning the property. This will ensure your deposit will not be withheld. Some landlords describe this work as maintenance but in reality, it is just presentation. You mention a few points such as cracks appearing and that the AC was never cleaned. Unless the cracks were significant and you reported them, it is the landlord's responsibility to sort these out, but again, unless they were structural defects, these cracks would normally disappear when the apartment would be decorated. The AC cleaning would be done only if there is a contract to do so or by request from yourself and should be done at least once a year. It is not clear from your email if you complained about this. The building alarm going off is unfortunate but does not constitute a financial loss. I have reviewed the list of maintenance charges against you, but find them to be reasonable. If you do not want them to charge you, your choice would be to sort out the cleaning and painting yourself. I have not seen your tenancy agreement, but the common practice on maintenance issues is that if there is any issue below Dh500, this would be the tenant's responsibility and above this sum is on the landlord. I can only assume the shattaf and door came to less than the Dh500. Q: I want your guidance regarding a property transaction in process for a unit I am selling in Dubai. On May 15, I signed form F with a buyer, with the help of a registered broker. The contract is valid for two months from the date of signing. Before the signing of form F and payment of the 10 per cent security deposit, the buyer had obtained mortgage pre-approval. However, the initial pre-approval has lapsed and a subsequent reapplication was unsuccessful. As of June 20, the broker is working to obtain a new pre-approval through a different financial institution. As the contract is nearing expiry, will form F be at risk of breach due to the buyer's inability to secure financing so far? Also, if the transaction fails to proceed due to the buyer's financing situation, would I be eligible to claim the 10 per cent deposit or would this be subject to specific conditions or dispute resolution processes? I want to understand the correct procedures and options available to me under current regulations. KK, Dubai A: I only have the information given in your email, so I must make a few assumptions. I can only confirm your first question if there are certain clauses to confirm this in form F. Sometimes, it is mentioned that if the buyer cannot get final approval on finance for whatever reason, the deal can be considered null and void without penalties. If this clause is present, the buyer can walk away from the deal without repercussions. For your second point, the answer should be straightforward, but unfortunately it is not. Unless the buyer confirms in writing that they are in breach of the deal, you can only lay claim to the 10 per cent by filing a case at the Dubai courts. This will take time and be subject to fees. The end result should be to sell the property but sometimes, things go wrong or take a while to sort, so I would organise an addendum or extension to form F to finalise the deal. If things take too long or it is clear the buyer cannot purchase the property, only then should you seek legal recourse.
Middle East Eye
18 hours ago
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
At least 50 African people at risk of imminent execution in Saudi Arabia
Dozens of people from the Horn of Africa on death row in Saudi Arabia have been told that their executions could take place 'any day', inmates and their relatives told Middle East Eye. The men are all from Ethiopia and Somalia and have been convicted of drug trafficking, which carries a death sentence in Saudi Arabia. Held at the Najiran prison near the border with Yemen, inmates say they were notified several weeks ago that their sentences, typically beheadings, would be carried out soon. 'They have told us to say our goodbyes,' one of the convicted men, who preferred not to be named, told MEE. 'We were told that executions would begin shortly after Eid al-Adha, and now they have started.' New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters A list of names of the convicted obtained by MEE includes 43 Ethiopians, and 13 Somalis. According to inmates, at least six were put to death over the past month. Rise in executions Amnesty International has documented at least 52 executions for drug-related offenses in the kingdom from January to April. Keen to soften the country's conservative image as part of its Vision 2030 economic reform programme and ahead of hosting of the 2034 Fifa World Cup, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has enacted a whirlwind of reforms liberalising some elements of Saudi society. He has also repeatedly pledged to amend the country's harsh justice system, which lists adultery, apostasy and 'sorcery' as capital offences. Saudi Arabia is among the world's leading executioners. 'All of the Ethiopians and Somali executions we documented this year were linked to hashish possession or smuggling' - Duaa Dhainy, European Saudi Organization for Human Rights However, an unofficial moratorium on capital punishment for drug-related offences enacted in 2021 has been lifted. Executions have subsequently accelerated. Over 300 people were put to death last year, a record tally for the kingdom. This year, 100 executions were documented by May alone. One possible reason for the spike, according to experts, is that additional drugs appear to have been added to the list of those meriting capital punishment. 'We've monitored death-sentence cases of numerous foreign nationals for years, and drug offences are usually linked to substances like amphetamines or cocaine,' Duaa Dhainy, a researcher with the European Saudi Organization for Human Rights, told MEE. 'However, we've noticed that from 2024 onwards, many foreigners have been executed for possession of hashish, so they've expanded the offences that can lead to execution. All of the Ethiopians and Somali executions we documented this year were linked to hashish possession or smuggling.' For the family of 27-year-old Khalid Mohammed Ibrahim, the news the executions for drug offences were resuming has plunged them into heartache. Ibrahim's older brother insists his sibling is innocent and said it has been a harrowing seven years for the family since he was arrested. 'He tried to enter the country through Yemen,' Muleta told MEE. 'A border guard encouraged him to tell his jailers that he was a drug smuggler, saying it would get him sent to court and quickly cleared since there was no evidence. He believed them.' Fleeing persecution Muleta said Ibrahim was effectively forced out of his own country. Hailing from the town of Chelenqo in Ethiopia's Oromia region, he was among the students who took part in the Oromo protests of 2016, which eventually culminated in the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn two years later. Both brothers were among thousands of youths jailed for taking part in the anti-government uprising, Muleta recalled. 'We were told that executions would begin shortly after Eid al-Adha, and now they have started' - prisoner at Najiran jail, Saudi Arabia Expelled from school and unable to apply for university, Ibrahim tried to move on with life, getting married and working as a labourer for a few years. But then his wife became pregnant. 'He wanted to afford a better life for his son, but [the government] closed all opportunities for him,' said Muleta. 'That is why he left Ethiopia.' Ibrahim never lived as a free man in Saudi Arabia, as he was detained immediately upon arrival in 2018. After 11 court appearances, he was sentenced to death in October 2019. He has never had the opportunity to meet his son, who is now eight years old. Dhainy said cases like Ibrahim's typically proceed through the courts to the royal court, Saudi Arabia's highest, where death sentences are signed by the king. 'However, sometimes the documents show that the accused never had a lawyer,' Dhainy said. Trade unions from 36 countries protest against Saudi Arabia's treatment of migrant workers Read More » 'Also, there is no guarantee that the detainee understood the charges, had a translator or was aware of the content of documents, including confessions, that they are sometimes made to sign.' Muleta said his brother told him that torture and beatings are commonplace at Najiran prison. Emotionally drained, the family's torment has been worse in recent weeks. 'It has been hell for my parents,' Muleta adds. 'They are going crazy. We have tried everything, we tried begging officials for help, but no one has done anything.' Several inmates on death row at Najiran also told MEE that their families have spent years pleading for assistance from their government, including Ethiopian diplomats based in Saudi Arabia. The Ethiopian Embassy in Saudi Arabia, which has a documented history of covering up the suffering of Ethiopians caught up in the Saudi judicial system, has been criticised for its inaction on the matter. Middle East Eye has asked Ambassador Muktar Kedir Abdu and the Ethiopian foreign ministry for comment, without response. Somali pressure In Somalia, intense media coverage and campaigning by families of death row inmates has led to the Somali government openly appealing to Saudi authorities for leniency, and greater public awareness of the danger. Hiiraan Online, a Somali news site, has covered the plight of Somalis sentenced to death in Saudi Arabia extensively. 'Our reporting has helped bring national and international attention to the plight of nearly 50 Somalis facing execution in Saudi Arabia - many of them coerced into smuggling under false pretences,' Dalmar Gure, editor-in-chief of Hiiraan Online, told MEE. 'Together with pressure from families, Somali media coverage helped spur diplomatic engagement, including talks on prisoner transfers and appeals for clemency.' The Najiran prison contingent isn't the only large group of Africans on death row in Saudi Arabia. Earlier this month, UN officials raised concerns about the imminent executions of 26 Egyptians held at Tabouk prison in the north on similar drug offences. They condemned the sentences as a 'violation of international law'. Last week, over 30 rights groups, mostly based in the Middle East and Africa, published an open letter calling on the crown prince to commute the death sentences of over a hundred Ethiopians, Egyptians and Somalis.
See - Sada Elbalad
a day ago
- Politics
- See - Sada Elbalad
18 Al-Shabaab Militants Killed in Airstrike in Somalia
Israa Farhan The Somali army, in coordination with international partners, killed 18 al-Shabaab militants and destroyed two military vehicles in a targeted airstrike in Hiran, central Somalia. The operation is part of an ongoing national campaign to dismantle militant networks. Despite military gains, experts stress that Somalia's fight against terrorism must go beyond security operations. Analysts argue that tackling poverty, expanding education, and promoting tolerance are key to undermining extremist ideologies. African affairs expert Dr. Ramadan Qarni highlighted the economic and climate-related pressures hindering Somalia's anti-terror efforts, while Dr. Ismail Taher stressed the need for ideological engagement and development programs to reduce radicalisation. Both called for stronger international cooperation, improved regional stability, and long-term investments in Somalia's security and development infrastructure to counter the persistent threat of al-Shabaab. read more Gold prices rise, 21 Karat at EGP 3685 NATO's Role in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict US Expresses 'Strong Opposition' to New Turkish Military Operation in Syria Shoukry Meets Director-General of FAO Lavrov: confrontation bet. nuclear powers must be avoided News Iran Summons French Ambassador over Foreign Minister Remarks News Aboul Gheit Condemns Israeli Escalation in West Bank News Greek PM: Athens Plays Key Role in Improving Energy Security in Region News One Person Injured in Explosion at Ukrainian Embassy in Madrid News China Launches Largest Ever Aircraft Carrier Sports Former Al Zamalek Player Ibrahim Shika Passes away after Long Battle with Cancer Videos & Features Tragedy Overshadows MC Alger Championship Celebration: One Fan Dead, 11 Injured After Stadium Fall Lifestyle Get to Know 2025 Eid Al Adha Prayer Times in Egypt Business Fear & Greed Index Plummets to Lowest Level Ever Recorded amid Global Trade War Arts & Culture Zahi Hawass: Claims of Columns Beneath the Pyramid of Khafre Are Lies News Flights suspended at Port Sudan Airport after Drone Attacks Videos & Features Video: Trending Lifestyle TikToker Valeria Márquez Shot Dead during Live Stream News Shell Unveils Cost-Cutting, LNG Growth Plan Technology 50-Year Soviet Spacecraft 'Kosmos 482' Crashes into Indian Ocean
Daily Maverick
a day ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
African Union and international community complicit in the Somali catastrophe
Alan Paton's classic South African novel, Cry, the Beloved Country, exposed how tyranny produced injustices and social rot in that beautiful and blessed land: South Africa. We may not agree with Paton's diagnosis of the malady, but most will acknowledge the power of his insights and the humanity of his vision. A similar colonial plague gripped another beautiful people and land: Somalia. With independence, Somalis partially recovered from colonialism, but a sectarian faction of the political elite has imposed a worse tragedy on them, while the international community and the African Union (AU) wittingly participate as the calamity deepens. If one were to write a novel about the Somali disaster, it would be: Weep, My Beloved Country. Recuperating from the colonial calamity Before colonialism butchered the territory, Somaliland's area was slightly smaller than contemporary South Africa. The imperialists divided it into five colonial territories: British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, French Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland and the Northern Frontier District of the British colony of Kenya. Somalis partially recovered from that catastrophe when the British and Italian Somali lands were liberated and united to form Somalia in 1960. The hope at independence was that the remaining territories would become liberated and join the fold, but that was not to be. French Somaliland became the Republic of Djibouti after it gained freedom in 1977, while the other two regions remain in Ethiopia and Kenya. Somalia started its post-colonial period with verve and promise. It was the lone country in Africa where the entire population shared a single language, faith and culture. The curse of a sectarian elite For most of the 1960s, Somalia was the premier democratic state on the African continent. Somalis' cultural homogeneity facilitated their attachment to democracy. But the drive to nurture a genuine representative government was led by a Somali group whose lives were deeply marred by colonial humiliation and who aspired to create a system that would nurture their people's hopes and dignity. In contrast, another faction of the political elite, driven by greed and lust for power, sought to capture the state for its egotistical ends. The democrats accountably managed the state from 1960-1967. President Aden Abdulla Osman honoured his oath of office and told MPs who would decide his presidency's fate in 1967 to vote according to their conscience. In contrast, the opposition candidate deployed corrupt means, such as cash bribes to MPs, and won the presidency. Once in power, the sectarians expeditiously consolidated their grip on the state by posting their clients in the cabinet, the civil service and the supreme court. Subsequently, they set their sights on the forthcoming parliamentary election. The sectarians' core strategy to win the election was tribal mobilisation of the population and the use of bribes. Consequently, the prime minister invited all the 'traditional' leaders to Mogadishu, treated them handsomely, and sought their help to ensure that each genealogical group voted as a unit in support of the regime. The governing party won the 1969 election, but the corrupt use of government resources during the election was so scandalous that the International Monetary Fund registered its alarm. Political tribalism stoked communal conflicts during the election. Shortly thereafter, a policeman who felt that his 'group' had been cheated of its parliamentary seat assassinated the Somali president in 1969. This precipitated a military coup. The junta's progressive-sounding declarations temporarily rejuvenated the national spirit, but like so many military regimes, despotism became the norm. As a teenager, I spent four months in prison for criticising the regime. The dictatorship became more violent, corrupt and tribalistic in the late 1970s and the 1980s. In response, opponents replicated its tribalist ideology to mobilise supporters. As the regime's viciousness intensified, a rebel group made a daring raid on the second-largest city from their base in Ethiopia, and the military's savage revenge annihilated the city. Mayhem spread across the country, the dictator was chased out of Mogadishu in 1991, the government collapsed, and the country disintegrated. Tribalised government, the international community & the AU Tribal warlords and tyrants ravaged Somalia in the 1990s and early 2000s. Then, the government of Djibouti brought Somalis together to find a trail back to civilisation. After months of haggling, the conferees defined Somalia's political conflict as 'tribal' and divided Somalis into 'political tribes'. In 2001, they formed a government anchored on this vile formula. That regime languished for several years until Muslim clerics (the Union of Islamic Courts, UICs) defeated the warlords in 2006. This development alarmed Ethiopia and major international actors. Subsequently, Ethiopia invaded Somalia and committed atrocities. The UICs went underground and outmanoeuvred the Ethiopians. Alarmed by this turn of events, the international community and AU hastily created an AU military force to replace the Ethiopians. The AU force pushed Al-Shabaab out of Mogadishu and several towns, but has made no further progress. The international community has since poured billions of dollars into the AU force and Somali government coffers, but the latter has made marginal advances in winning public trust. Dominated by tribalists, the central and provincial governments are often at odds with one another, which impedes national recovery and integration. Crocodile tears The international community and AU profusely complain about the inability of Somalis to make measurable progress to secure their country, settle their political discord, create a credible government and improve the lives of their indigent people. These are disingenuous grumblings. First, the international community has been a key partner to the Somali peace process for at least 25 years and has uncritically accepted the misguided notion that Somalia's political conflict is tribal in nature. Thus, they knowingly endorsed the empowerment of the most corrupt and sectarian elements of the elite. Second, the AU has been the foot soldier of funders and has never objected to political tribalism and corruption. Given this, the international community/AU's remonstrations lack moral force. As a Somali MP, I have witnessed the destructive role of political tribalism in government: omnipresent corruption, glaring ineptitude and criminal instigation of communal conflicts. Civic kinship is salvation Half a century of cruel dictatorship, warlords, tyrants, and corrupt political tribalists have buried Somalis in a wasteland. To undo this hell will take time, serious commitment, resources, and most critically, civic kinship from the international community and AU. Somalis are fast learners and exceptional entrepreneurs in the right environment. To create such an environment demands that the international community/AU completely alter their approach. First, they must revamp their conception of the nature of the catastrophe by rejecting political tribalism. Second, they should sanction the purveyors of political tribalism and corruption, as this clique has wasted millions of lives and the future of an entire people. Third, they must insist on the formation of a technocratic government with a terminal four-year tenure whose scope is limited to establishing a professional army and police, the scaffolding of a civic government and a functioning set of critical government ministries. Unfortunately, this transformative agenda, which most Somalis would endorse, would not appeal to the international community/AU as it would terminate the lucrative gravy train.
Yemen Online
3 days ago
- Politics
- Yemen Online
Al-Shabaab Alliance With Yemen's Houthis Continues To Grow
In 2024, a United Nations monitoring team reported that the relationship between Somalia's al-Shabaab terrorist group and Yemen's Houthi rebels was 'transactional or opportunistic, and not ideological.' In a 2025 report, the U.N. said those ties are deepening and pose a growing security threat to the Horn of Africa and Red Sea regions. 'The flow of weapons from Yemen to al-Shabaab-controlled areas in Somalia continued,' the February 6 report stated. 'Between June to September (2024), al-Shabaab received assorted arms, ammunition and explosives through the ports of Marka and Baraawe in [Lower] Shabelle. 'The weapons were assessed to have been used in attacks against the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia camps in [Lower] Shabelle in September and November.' Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has blamed the Iran-backed Houthis, also known by the name Ansar Allah, for the proliferation of weapons that has fueled al-Shabaab's resurgence in recent months. The Somali National Army has experienced a frustrating roller coaster of highs and lows in its ongoing battles for territory with the al-Qaida-linked terrorists. Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) established a nonaggression pact with the Houthis in 2022 and has worked increasingly with them on weapons transfers and to coordinate attacks against Yemeni government forces since 2024. With some facilitation from al-Qaida global and AQAP, the alliance between al-Shabaab and the Houthis emerged pragmatically from international weapons smuggling between Somalia and Yemen. The Gulf of Aden separates the countries by just 280 kilometers in some parts. 'For Ansar Allah, Somalia's porous coastlines have become critical to ensuring that the group has access to Iranian supplies and Chinese equipment necessary for the growth of its Iranian-supported drone and missile program,' analysts Ibrahim Jalal and Adnan al-Jabarni wrote in a March 14 report for the Carnegie Middle East Center. Compared to the weaponry al-Shabaab typically has used such as assault rifles, mortars and improvised explosive devices, the Houthis provide access to more advanced systems, including weaponized drones and surface-to-air missiles. In return, al-Shabaab has shared its coastal intelligence network and years of expertise in piracy with the Houthis. An uptick in maritime attacks has bolstered both groups' finances, fueling conflict on both sides of the Gulf of Aden. 'Cooperation with al-Shabaab and AQAP has provided the Houthis with more access to the Arabian Sea and Western Indian Ocean,' the Africa Center for Strategic Studies wrote in a May 28 article. 'Al-Shabaab's network of fighters, sympathizers and smugglers across Somalia and northern Kenya, moreover, offers the Houthis more opportunities to get arms shipments (many of which have come from Iran) out of the Indian Ocean and into coast-hugging skiffs or overland to the Gulf of Aden where they may have a better chance of reaching Yemeni shores.' Another sign of the groups' increasingly complex relationship came in 2024, when AQAP sent more than a dozen al-Shabaab operatives to Yemen for drone warfare training to expand the Somali group's tactical capabilities, according to the U.N. monitoring group's February 2025 report. The U.N. group also noted AQAP's launch of a communications application that has enabled exclusive messaging with al-Shabaab. Reports from the semiautonomous state of Puntland in northeastern Somalia suggest that the Houthi rebels have established bases in the Golis Mountains along the Sanaag region coast. 'Houthis are believed to operate missile development facilities in the Golis Mountains,' Maj. Abdirahman Warsame, the former commander of Somalia's elite Danab Special Forces, wrote in an April 10 article for Hiiraan Online. 'There was a missile test reportedly launched by Houthis from Harshaw in Sanaag to Taleh in the Sool region — a distance of 459 kilometers. 'Houthis in the Golis Mountains conceal their identity, impersonating al-Shabaab militants to mislead and intimidate the local populace. This tactic is intended to prevent resistance from local communities, who may otherwise oppose their presence.' With the groups working together to boost their finances, technology and operational capacity, experts are urging governments throughout East Africa to work together to counter the growing instability they bring to the Horn of Africa, Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. 'Given that both militant groups are well entrenched in their respective host countries, significantly degrading this threat will require more than maritime action,' the Africa Center recommended. 'Sustained efforts to reduce each group's territorial control will also be needed as these land bases have provided the platforms from which the nonstate actors have been able to launch attacks at sea, expand their revenue flows, and build their military capacity.'
