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Senior N. Korean presence at PLA banquet marks thaw in China Ties
Senior N. Korean presence at PLA banquet marks thaw in China Ties

Korea Herald

time23-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Korea Herald

Senior N. Korean presence at PLA banquet marks thaw in China Ties

North Korea dispatched senior officials to a Chinese Embassy reception in Pyongyang marking the anniversary of China's armed forces — one of several emerging signs of thawing ties between the two countries after a period of diplomatic chill. Chinese Ambassador to North Korea Wang Yajun hosted the event at the embassy on Tuesday to mark the 98th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army, which falls on August 1, North Korean state media reported Wednesday. "The banquet participants raised their glasses for … the militant friendship and unity between the armies of the DPRK and China, and for the continuous strengthening and development of the Chinese People's Liberation Army,' the Rodong Sinmun, the official newspaper of the ruling Workers' Party of Korea, reported. DPRK is the abbreviation for North Korea's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The celebration was notably attended by senior North Korean officials, including Vice Defense Minister Kim Kang-il, Deputy Director of the General Political Bureau of the Korean People's Army Pak Yong-il, Deputy Director of the Party Central Committee Mun Song-hyok and Vice Foreign Minister Pak Myong-ho. Pak Yong-il delivered a congratulatory speech at the reception, according to the Chinese Embassy in Pyongyang. 'He stated that the Chinese and Korean militaries fought side by side in multiple wars to resist imperialist invaders, standing shoulder to shoulder in the same trench and creating a shining example of friendly unity,' Pak was quoted as saying in a Chinese-language statement provided by the Chinese embassy. 'The DPRK side is willing to work together with the Chinese side, in accordance with the noble will of the top leaders of the two parties and two countries, to jointly make efforts to provide solid support for the development of DPRK–China friendly relations and the socialist cause of both countries," Pak was quoted as saying in the statement. North Korea has marked the PLA anniversary in various ways — though not consistently each year — such as publishing occasional editorials in the Rodong Sinmun or dispatching envoys to banquets hosted by the Chinese Embassy in Pyongyang. Although this year did not mark a quinquennial milestone such as the 90th or 95th anniversary, North Korea still dispatched senior officials to the PLA event. The move echoed the 2017 reception for the 90th anniversary, which was attended by then–Deputy Minister of the People's Armed Forces Kang Sun-nam. Beijing and Pyongyang reconnect Tuesday's event was one of the emerging signs of thawing ties between China and North Korea, following a period of strained relations that overlapped with North Korea's closer alignment with Russia. North Korea on July 9 sent higher-ranking officials than in previous years to a banquet hosted by the Chinese Embassy in Pyongyang, commemorating the 64th anniversary of the 1961 Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between the two countries. While last year's event was attended by Kim Sung-chan, president of Kim Il Sung University and chair of the DPRK-China Friendship Parliamentary Group under the rubber-stamp Supreme People's Assembly, this year saw the presence of Kang Yun-sok, vice president of the SPA Presidium — a notable upgrade in diplomatic protocol. The Rodong Sinmun published the article "DPRK-China Friendship and Cooperation Strengthening Along the Socialist Path," highlighting the enduring significance of the treaty on July 11, the day the treaty was forged. The Rodong Sinmun has traditionally carried an article marking the anniversary of the 1961 pact. Speculation of strained ties arose when no such article appeared last year. However, this year, the coverage reappeared. Although 2024 was designated as the "Year of DPRK-China Friendship" to commemorate the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries, no high-profile events took place that year. Separately, North Korea's state-run tourism website DPRK Tourism posted a schedule of international train routes in mid-July. The list included round trips between Pyongyang and Beijing, Pyongyang and Dandong, and Pyongyang and Moscow. All three routes had been suspended since February 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Service on the Moscow line resumed in mid-June this year, while the Beijing and Dandong routes to China remain inactive. If resumed, cross-border passenger rail service with China would return more than after five and a half years.

Switzerland ratifies landmark India-EFTA mega trade pact: Here's what it means for Indian economy
Switzerland ratifies landmark India-EFTA mega trade pact: Here's what it means for Indian economy

Mint

time11-07-2025

  • Business
  • Mint

Switzerland ratifies landmark India-EFTA mega trade pact: Here's what it means for Indian economy

Switzerland has officially completed the ratification process for a landmark trade partnership between India and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). Swiss Ambassador to India Maya Tissafi conveyed that the Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA) is expected to come into force in October. Ambassador Tissafi described Switzerland's ratification of the trade pact as a 'significant milestone' in the country's bilateral relationship with New Delhi. The agreement, signed in March after nearly 16 years of negotiations, is poised to reduce trade barriers and streamline customs procedures by opening up the Indian market to Swiss exports. Under the mega trade pact, the EFTA States (Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland) plan to invest $100 billion in India over the next 15 years. This investment is expected to create one million (10 lakh) jobs in the country, she said, adding that this will be a 'win-win situation' for all countries involved. As per current data compiled by PTI, Switzerland stands as the 12th-largest investor in India. Swiss investments in India have grown exponentially over the last 25 years, rising from ₹ 5,935 crore in 2000 to ₹ 1,07,736 crore in 2024, the envoy said. More than 330 Swiss companies are active in India across diverse sectors such as engineering, services, precision instruments, chemicals and pharmaceuticals. Indian companies are also present in Switzerland, particularly in sectors such as IT, pharmaceuticals and machinery. Tissafi said the Swiss government's immediate priority would be successfully implementing the TEPA for Swiss companies looking to invest in India. 'To this end, we are partnering with business associations in Switzerland and India and with Indian authorities at the central and state levels,' she said. The establishment of the EFTA desk in February is one such initiative aimed at easing investments from EFTA countries, news agency PTI reported. Beyond the TEPA, the bilateral relationship between India and Switzerland has evolved over the last 77 years after the two countries signed the Treaty of Friendship. The relationship between the two countries is on an upward trajectory, the envoy said, adding that they are cooperating in various domains, from the signing of the TEPA last March to implementing projects in fields like climate change, disaster-risk reduction and environment. Another notable advancement in the partnership between the two countries is also the launch of the Swiss-Indian Innovation Platform in Bengaluru in October 2023, she said. The platform connects Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Swiss technical high schools and universities with leading private companies from both countries to foster strategic innovation partnerships, the news agency reported.

Durga, dictator, democrat. How the 3 veins ran parallel in Indira Gandhi
Durga, dictator, democrat. How the 3 veins ran parallel in Indira Gandhi

Indian Express

time24-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Durga, dictator, democrat. How the 3 veins ran parallel in Indira Gandhi

Fifty years after the Emergency, as fresh material and new books throw more light on a dark chapter in India's history, it is still tantalising how Indira Gandhi, the central character around whom the events of the 1970s revolved, could be a 'Durga' in 1971, a dictator in 1975 – and even as a dictator, call for elections in 1977, displaying a democratic streak in her — all within a timespan of five-six years. Mrs Gandhi's opponent Atal Bihari Vajpayee had hailed her as 'Durga' after she helped split Pakistan to create Bangladesh, changing geo-political realities. In a preemptive move, she signed a Treaty of Friendship with the then Soviet Union (now Russia), to counter the new Pakistan-China-America axis that was being formed. Displaying her steely side, she did not wilt when then US President Richard Nixon sent the Seventh Fleet to the Bay of Bengal in a show of strength. Early on in life, Indira Gandhi had learnt not to panic in a crisis. There is a story about a trip to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) with her parents, when the jeep in which they were travelling skidded. The 14-year-old Indira, who was sitting in the front, jumped out. The driver prevented the vehicle from going over the precipice, but Jawaharlal Nehru was furious with his daughter and admonished her for what she had done. After that she rarely lost her cool in a crisis, which came in handy in the 1971 Bangladesh War. Actually, even before the opposition to her began internally, Mrs Gandhi's woes started, with the outbreak of the Arab-Israeli Yom Kippur war in the Middle East in 1972 – rather like the crisis in West Asia today. It led to spiralling inflation in India, creating a fertile ground for the rise of the Navnirman Movement in Gujarat, followed by the Jayaprakash Narayan-led movement against corruption and rising prices in 1973-74. The two agitations brought Opposition forces together to demand Mrs Gandhi's resignation. But, even as she kept her cool, her instinct was to 'choose order above democracy' when faced with situations that spelt conflict or instability. According to her biographer Katherine Frank, she did not share 'Nehru's faith that democratic institutions would survive unstable circumstances'. (In 1959, as the Congress president, she had prevailed on a reluctant Nehru to dismiss the Communist government in Kerala when there was unrest in the state.) In 1975 again, Mrs Gandhi chose so-called 'order' over democracy in imposing the Emergency on the night of June 25-26. This was 13 days after Justice Jagmohan Lal Sinha of the Allahabad High Court unseated her as MP, holding her guilty of electoral malpractices. She toyed briefly with the idea of resigning while hoping for reprieve from the Supreme Court, and appointing someone of her choice as PM. But very quickly she abandoned the idea – it was too risky and might jeopardise her kursi. Ultimately, Mrs Gandhi imposed the Emergency even without calling a meeting of the Union Cabinet (which was informed at 6.30 the next morning – and not consulted). A compliant President, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, just signed on the dotted line. The Congress government then went about arresting leading Opposition figures – including JP, Vajpayee, L K Advani, Morarji Desai, Charan Singh, Chandra Shekhar – as well as thousands others opposed to her politics. The families of many did not know for three-four months where they had been taken. There were allegations of torture in prison. What followed is now well-known – the suspension of fundamental rights, press censorship, amendments to the Constitution, the strengthening of the Executive's powers, the weakening of the Judiciary. Besides, the forcible sterilisation of thousands, in one of the worst exhibitions of Sanjay Gandhi's 'extra-constitutional authority' in his mother's government. In 1976, I worked with the news magazine Himmat in Mumbai, which resisted Mrs Gandhi's authoritarian rule. (Many small papers similarly put up a valiant fight.) Himmat was first required to submit to 'self-censorship', then to pre-censorship when the authorities claimed 'violations', and finally pressure was mounted on the printing press, till it succumbed and refused to print Himmat. Chief Editor Rajmohan Gandhi, the grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, put out an appeal for funds to buy a small printing press so that Himmat could continue publication. It was so exciting to see the money orders – worth Rs 10, Rs 5, even Re 1 – come in, demonstrating a will to freedom. Finally, with around Rs 60,000 in, Himmat could buy its own press. Not long after that, Mrs Gandhi announced elections, to be held in March 1977. It is one of those supreme ironies of politics that 'dictator' Indira announced polls when she need not have done it. There were no external pressures like sanctions (though there were critical voices in the West). Most importantly, the elections held were free and fair – or the Congress would not have been routed all over North India. Later she also admitted to 'excesses' during the regime. Mrs Gandhi pressed ahead with polls even in the face of Sanjay's opposition. Then Haryana Chief Minister Bansi Lal, a member of Sanjay's core team, had stated publicly: 'Get rid of this election nonsense. Just make our sister (Mrs Gandhi) President for life, and there is no need to do anything else.' The debate continues to this day as to why Mrs Gandhi called for elections (which finally led to the lifting of the Emergency)? Was it because she was more democrat Nehru's daughter than Sanjay Gandhi's mother, as some would like to believe? Had Nehru and the freedom movement profoundly influenced her thinking in the early years? Or did she want to win back the approval of her friends in the Western world whom she had antagonised? Or was it a 'spiritual' impulse which goaded her, given J Krishnamurti's influence on her? Or, and this is more likely, did she hope to legitimise, nationally and internationally, Sanjay as her successor through elections, allowing him more time to work under her – and build a new team around him? Mrs Gandhi may have also calculated that elections would restore her weakening grip over the government. She was worried about the power Sanjay had come to wield, often going above her head and taking decisions on his own. He and his coterie wanted to move towards a Presidential form of government – and had even got four state Assemblies to pass resolutions to set up a new Constituent Assembly. As for Opposition leaders, she had managed to soften some of them in 1976 – and thought she would win. The balance of advantage, she would have calculated, lay in going for elections in early 1977. She had not foreseen Opposition leaders getting together to form a unified Janata Party within a few days of being released. Or on Babu Jagjivan Ram quitting the Congress soon thereafter, which hampered her efforts to induct new faces. Whether as Durga, dictator, or displayer of democratic sensibilities, Indira Gandhi understood the nature of power – and how to capture it at any cost. Successive generations of politicians across party lines studied and emulated her model of saam, daam, dand, bhed (using any means necessary to meet one's goals) – which de-institutionalised politics as also de-ideoligised it. Indira Gandhi (and Narendra Modi) have shown that the more powerful and popular a prime minister, the greater the likelihood of power getting concentrated in his or her hands and of democratic institutions coming under stress. The weaker the leader – as seen in coalition governments – the more the chances of safeguards against excesses of power. Neerja Chowdhury, Contributing Editor, The Indian Express, has covered the last 11 Lok Sabha elections. She is the author of How Prime Ministers Decide

Then and Now: India's Unyielding Doctrine from 1971 to 2025
Then and Now: India's Unyielding Doctrine from 1971 to 2025

Hans India

time13-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Hans India

Then and Now: India's Unyielding Doctrine from 1971 to 2025

India and Pakistan's hostilities are no new chapter in the subcontinent's history. For decades, the core of this friction has been Kashmir. But in 2025, India's stance became clearer than ever: Kashmir is non-negotiable, and terrorism will not be tolerated. When the United States once again attempted to mediate, Indian leadership issued a firm and familiar message; no third-party intervention in India's sovereign matters. And if that sounds familiar, it should. The Echoes of 1971 Back in 1971, a humanitarian crisis in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) led to one of the most defining military and diplomatic moments in Indian history. As millions of refugees flooded into India, then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi chose action over appeasement. Despite mounting international pressure, particularly from then U.S. President Richard Nixon, who went so far as to dispatch the USS Enterprise to the Bay of Bengal, Gandhi stood her ground. With strategic backing from a Treaty of Friendship with the Soviet Union (USSR), India launched a decisive military campaign. The result? A swift Indian victory, the birth of Bangladesh, and a dramatic shift in South Asia's geopolitical landscape. While the Emergency remains a controversial part of Indira Gandhi's legacy, 1971 remains a moment of unmatched conviction, diplomacy, and defiance under pressure. 2025: The Playbook Repeats with a Modern Edge Fast-forward to 2025. Once again, Pakistan escalated tensions - this time deploying Turkish-origin kamikaze drones and violating the ceasefire along the western front. India's response, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, was swift, precise, and resolutely quiet. It wasn't just military muscle; it was a display of technological sophistication and strategic poise. When Washington reached out with appeals for restraint and attempted back-channel mediation, India's answer echoed that of 1971: no third-party mediation. Matters of national security, India reiterated, will be handled on India's terms. Self-Reliance on Display This time, however, the tools were different. From AI-powered surveillance systems to indigenously developed Akash air defence missiles, and real-time coordination between the Army, Navy, and Air Force, India's defence showed it is not just reactive - it is prepared, proactive, and self-reliant. A New India on the Global Stage Whether it was the steel of 1971 or the silent precision of 2025, India's message to the world remains consistent: We will decide how we defend ourselves. We will protect our sovereignty. And we will not be dictated to - not then, not now.

The island of stone megaliths and fishing pigs that's escaped colonisation for 3,000 years
The island of stone megaliths and fishing pigs that's escaped colonisation for 3,000 years

Telegraph

time27-02-2025

  • Telegraph

The island of stone megaliths and fishing pigs that's escaped colonisation for 3,000 years

History has seen the rise and fall of numerous empires that drew into their governance many far-flung lands and, over the years, few countries have escaped colonisation. Indeed, by some measures, there is just one – Japan. Other historians stretch the definition with a resulting list of some 13 that might have been occupied – such as Afghanistan – but were never under foreign governance. And then there are a few countries that became not colonies but Protectorates, self-governing but with trade and foreign policy agreements. One such was Tonga, the only kingdom in the vast ocean of the South Pacific and a Protectorate of Britain between 1900-1970 under a mutually beneficial 'Treaty of Friendship' designed to discourage further German expansionism after they had taken over parts of neighbouring Samoa. Friendship is a word that crops up regularly here. It was Captain Cook who first dubbed Tonga 'The Friendly Islands' and they live up to that reputation to this day. It wasn't always so. It may be hard to believe now, but in the 12 th century, the laid-back Tongans were considered the Vikings of the Pacific – with their own maritime empire that extended across the ocean from Niue to Samoa to the Solomon Islands. Never invaded or taken over, perhaps it's no surprise that Tongan culture is as authentically Polynesian as you will find anywhere in the Pacific. It is a culture that is centred around the family and the monarchy. The latter is as strong as ever and the current king, Tupou VI, traces his line back six generations to King George (Siaosi in Tongan) Tupou I who converted to Christianity, united Tonga into a kingdom, abolished serfdom and enshrined in the constitution that land could only be owned by Tongans and never sold to outsiders. It is still the case today, and Tonga remains firmly Tongan. The 1867 royal palace sits on the waterfront of the main island of Tongatapu (literally, 'Sacred South'), a red-roofed, white-painted wooden colonial house on the grandest imaginable scale. The capital Nuku'alofa (it means 'Safe Haven of Love') extends behind the palace with more colonial-style government offices, one of the best markets in the Pacific and great places to eat. At The Top, the owner sits down with you for a chat. At Billfish, hearing the word 'taxi', the resident DJ told me it was no problem, he'd take us back to the hotel. See? Friendly. Food is, incidentally, a very important part of Tongan culture and portions are, to say the least, impressive (as the locals are happy to point out, there's nothing small in Tonga). Specialities include Ota Ika (tuna marinated in lime and coconut cream), Lu Sidi (taro leaves cooked in coconut cream), drinking coconuts and some rather unusual pork (also cooked in coconut cream) – you will have spotted something of a theme here. Every meal, including breakfast, starts with a prayer. If you're around on a Sunday, everything is shut except the churches and these deserve a visit if it's only for the singing. A traditional feast always follows, cooked in an umu – or underground oven – and everyone is dressed in their Sunday best. Men wear a wrap skirt, often with a shirt, tie and jacket. Everyone wears a soft mat and belt made from the leaves of the pandanus plant or coconut palm. Tongans love to share and, if you're in church, you're likely to be invited to the feast. There's even the possibility of joining a kava ceremony (say yes, it's a great honour). Made from a pepper plant pounded to a powder, kava is served in a communal wooden bowl (the effect is to numb the mouth and tongue and make you relaxed and, ultimately, sleepy). Beyond town, there are ancient stone monuments – a megalith that, like Stonehenge, predicts astronomical events; and numerous low stone pyramids built as royal burial grounds. There are blowholes spurting surf 30 metres into the air; rainforest walks; mysterious caves with stalactites, stalagmites and a deep, cold freshwater pool for swimming. Given the year-round hot climate, this is a delight for Tongans who do, in any case, have an unusual relationship with water. After school, the children line up on the quayside to fling themselves into the harbour. Swimwear is optional – most people just walk into the water fully dressed to cool off, knowing they'll be dry pretty soon in the sun. And there is a lot of water here to enjoy – the kingdom is scattered over 700,000 square miles of ocean. Tonga is not, in fact, an island – it's 176 islands, only 40 of them inhabited. From Nuku'alofa you can spend a day on everyone's image of a perfect desert island. I went with Tahi Tonga's Captain Tom to Tau ( for a picnic, swimming, snorkelling and idly hanging out. The calm, turquoise waters around the Ha-apai islands are perfect for diving, kayaking and paddle boarding. Tonga's northern group of islands, Vava'u, are famous for their whales. They arrive in June to calve and stay for around six months and, from June to October, you can swim with the humpbacks or take a small boat tour to visit them. Island hopping in Tonga's beautiful waters is almost mandatory – you'll find reefs teeming with marine life, coral atolls, volcanic islands. And it's not just people who get into the water here: Tonga's small black 'fishing pigs' go swimming in the sea too, catching fish for their dinner (apparently, this makes for particularly tasty pork). Like all Polynesians, Tongans love singing and dancing. This is evidenced both in the full-throated church choirs on Sunday mornings and in traditional culture shows – accompanied, of course, by a feast – that you'll find around the islands on Wednesdays and Fridays. While the girls here are more modest than elsewhere in the Pacific – less hip shaking, more graceful hand movements – the boys are spectacularly athletic and perform a fearsome fire dance. It all goes to reinforce the anga fakatonga, or Tongan way of life, based on core values such as respect, family unity and sharing – ancient traditions that haven't been watered down by too much outside contact. Peaceful, with little crime and plenty of natural beauty, it's enough to give monoculture a good name. Of course, nowhere is perfect – and there is a dark side to Tonga. On the morning I left the island I watched from my window at the Tanoa Dateline Hotel (it was just the Dateline when I first visited 25 years ago – things don't change fast here) as the municipal gardeners climbed the palm trees, clearing the coconuts. If one falls as you pass by, you would certainly know about it. Dangerous place, Paradise. Essentials

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