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Al Jazeera
19-07-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Genocide or tragedy? Ukraine, Poland at odds over Volyn massacre of 1943
Kyiv, Ukraine – Nadiya escaped the rapists and killers only because her father hid her in a haystack amidst the shooting, shouting and bloodshed that took place 82 years ago. 'He covered me with hay and told me not to get out no matter what,' the 94-year-old woman told Al Jazeera – and asked to withhold her last name and personal details. On July 11, 1943, members of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA), a nationalist paramilitary group armed with axes, knives and guns, stormed Nadiya's village on the Polish-Ukrainian border, killing ethnic Polish men and raping women. 'They also killed anyone who tried to protect the Poles,' Nadiya said. The nonagenarian is frail and doesn't go out much, but her face, framed by milky white hair, lights up when she recalls the names and birthdays of her grand- and great-grandchildren. She also remembers the names of her neighbours who were killed or forced to flee to Poland, even though her parents never spoke about the attack, now known as the Volyn massacre. 'The Soviets forbade it,' Nadiya said, noting how Moscow demonised the UIA, which kept fighting the Soviets until the early 1950s. Nadiya said her account may enrage today's Ukrainian nationalists who lionise fighters of the UIA for having championed freedom from Moscow during World War II. After Communist purges, violent atheism, forced collectivisation and a famine that killed millions of Ukrainians, the UIA leaders chose what they thought was the lesser of two evils. They sided with Nazi Germany, which invaded the USSR in 1941. In the end, though, the Nazis refused to carve out an independent Ukraine and threw one of the UIA's leaders, Stepan Bandera, into a concentration camp. But another UIA leader, Roman Shukhevych, was accused of playing a role in the Holocaust – and in the mass killings of ethnic Poles in what is now the western Ukrainian region of Volyn and adjacent areas in 1943. Genocide? Up to 100,000 civilian Poles, including women and children, were stabbed, axed, beaten or burned to death during the Volyn massacre, according to survivors, Polish historians and officials who consider it a 'genocide'. 'What's horrifying isn't the numbers but the way the murders were carried out,' Robert Derevenda of the Polish Institute of National Memory told Polskie Radio on July 11. This year, the Polish parliament decreed July 11 as 'The Volyn Massacre Day' in remembrance of the 1943 killings. 'A martyr's death for just being Polish deserves to be commemorated,' the bill said. 'From Poland's viewpoint, yes, this is a tragedy of the Polish people, and Poland is fully entitled to commemorate it,' Kyiv-based analyst Igar Tyshkevych told Al Jazeera. However, rightist Polish politicians may use the day to promote anti-Ukrainian narratives, and a harsh response from Kyiv may further trigger tensions, he said. 'All of these processes ideally should be a matter of discussion among historians, not politicians,' he added. Ukrainian politicians and historians, meanwhile, call the Volyn massacre a 'tragedy'. They cite a lower death toll and accuse the Polish army of the reciprocal killing of tens of thousands of Ukrainian civilians. In post-Soviet Ukraine, UIA leaders Bandera and Shukhevych have often been hailed as national heroes, and hundreds of streets, city squares and other landmarks are named after them. Evolving views and politics '[The USSR] branded 'Banderite' any proponent of Ukraine's independence or even any average person who stood for the legitimacy of public representation of Ukrainian culture,' Kyiv-based human rights advocate Vyacheslav Likhachyov told Al Jazeera. The demonisation backfired when many advocates of Ukraine's independence began to sympathise with Bandera and the UIA, 'turning a blind eye to their radicalism, xenophobia and political violence', he said. In the 2000s, anti-Russian Ukrainian leaders began to celebrate the UIA, despite objections from many Ukrainians, especially in the eastern and southern regions. These days, the UIA is seen through a somewhat myopic prism of Ukraine's ongoing war with Russia, according to Likhachyov. Ukraine's political establishment sees the Volyn massacre and armed skirmishes between Ukrainians and Poles as only 'a war related to the Ukrainians' 'fight for their land'', according to Nikolay Mitrokhin, a researcher at Bremen University in Germany. 'And during a war, they say, anything happens, and a village, where the majority is on the enemy's side, is considered a 'legitimate target',' he explained. Many right-leaning Ukrainian youngsters 'fully accepted' Bandera's radicalism and the cult of militant nationalism, he said. Before Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, thousands of far-right nationalists rallied throughout Ukraine to commemorate Bandera's January 1 birthday. 'Bandera is our father, Ukraine is our mother,' they chanted. Within hours, the Polish and Israeli embassies issued declarations in protest, reminding them of the UIA's role in the Holocaust and the Volyn massacre. Far-right activists began volunteering to fight Moscow-backed separatists in southeastern Ukraine in 2014 and enlisted in droves in 2022. 'In the situational threat to [Ukraine's] very existence, there's no room for reflection and self-analysis,' rights advocate Likhachyov said. Warsaw, meanwhile, will keep using the Volyn massacre to make demands for concessions while threatening to oppose Ukraine's integration into the European Union, he said. As for Moscow, it 'traditionally plays' the dispute to sow discord between Kyiv and Warsaw, analyst Tyshkevych said, and to accuse Ukrainian leaders of 'neo-Nazi' proclivities. Is reconciliation possible? Today, memories of the Volyn massacre remain deeply contested. For many Ukrainians, the UIA's image as freedom fighters has been bolstered by Russia's 2022 invasion, somewhat pushing aside reflection on the group's role in the World War II atrocities. For Poland, commemoration of the massacre has become a marker of national trauma and, at times, a point of leverage in political disputes with Ukraine. In April, Polish experts began exhuming the remnants of the Volyn massacre victims in the western Ukrainian village of Puzhniky after Kyiv lifted a seven-year moratorium on such exhumations. Some believe this may be a first step in overcoming the tensions over the Volyn massacre. Reconciliation, historians say, won't come easily. 'The way to reconciliation is often painful and requires people to accept historical realities they're uncomfortable with,' Ivar Dale, a senior policy adviser with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, a human rights watchdog, told Al Jazeera. 'Both [Poland and Ukraine] are modern European democracies that can handle an objective investigation of past atrocities in ways that a country like Russia unfortunately can not,' he said.
Yahoo
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Ukraine grants Poland permission to exhume 1939 war graves in Lviv
Ukraine has granted Poland permission to carry out exhumation work on the remains of Polish soldiers killed in 1939 and buried in the area of the former village of Zboiska, now part of the western city of Lviv, Ukraine's Culture Ministry announced on June 11. The renewed cooperation follows years of tension surrounding the treatment of war memorials and historical sites. Ukraine imposed a moratorium on exhumations in 2017 after several Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) monuments were destroyed in Poland. The moratorium effectively ended last April when Ukrainian and Polish researchers carried out joint exhumations of the Volyn massacre victims in Ukraine's Ternopil Oblast. The Culture Ministry said the latest decision is a further step in Polish-Ukrainian cooperation on sensitive historical issues and follows the work of the Joint Polish-Ukrainian Working Group on historical matters. "Ukraine confirms its readiness to continue search and exhumation work within the framework of the Joint Working Group," the ministry said in a statement. It added that the exhumations at Zboiska represent a continuation of efforts to address historical memory and reconciliation. The Zboiska site is believed to contain the remains of around 120 Polish soldiers who died fighting against Nazi German forces in 1939, Rzeczpospolita reported. The remains were first located in 2019, according to Polish officials. The Institute of National Remembrance of Poland (IPN) had submitted a formal request to excavate burial grounds in Zboiska and the nearby district of Pid Holoskom. The ministry also lauded the April exhumations in the former village of Puzhnyky in Ternopil Oblast as the first successful step of this new cooperation. Puzhnyky is associated with the 1945 killing of Polish civilians by the UPA during the Volyn massacres, one of the most painful and contentious chapters in Polish-Ukrainian history. In a reciprocal gesture, Ukraine has received Poland's approval to carry out its own search and exhumation activities in the Polish village of Yurechkova. Kyiv says it hopes such work can begin soon. The Culture Ministry emphasized that the progress reflects the constructive relationship between the two countries and their shared commitment to historical truth and dignity for the dead. "Joint remembrance and steps toward one another will unite our nations in the name of our shared European future," the statement said. In January, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk called the agreement on exhumation efforts a "breakthrough," while officials in Warsaw warned that unresolved historical issues could influence Ukraine's aspirations to join the European Union and NATO. Read also: Volhynian Massacre — the Achilles heel of Ukrainian-Polish relations We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Al Jazeera
06-06-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?
On May 30, the last day of Poland's presidential campaign, Karol Nawrocki laid flowers at a monument that has long sparked controversy. The 14-metre tall statue commemorating the Volhynian massacre depicts a crowned eagle, the symbol of Poland, with a cross shape cut out from its chest. In that cross, a child's body is impaled on a trident, representing the Ukrainian coat of arms, the 'tryzub'. The statue was revealed in July 2024 in Domostawa, a village in southeastern Poland close to Ukraine's border. It commemorates the ethnic cleansing of Poles by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in the Polish-Ukrainian borderland between 1943 to 1945. While statistics vary, it is assumed that between 40,000 and 100,000 people perished in the massacre. But before Domostawa accepted the monument, several cities, including Rzeszow, Torun and Stalowa Wola, refused to host it due to the brutality of the sculptor's vision and in order not to damage relations with Ukraine. To Nawrocki, formerly the head of the Institute of National Remembrance, a state research institute, the scene felt like the place to end his presidential bid. 'The Volhynian Massacre was a cruel crime. The methods of murdering Poles were cruel. It was a neighbourly crime, because neighbours murdered neighbours. It was also a robbery, because Ukrainian nationalists often robbed their neighbours,' Nawrocki said. 'We have the right to talk about it. I have the right to talk about it as the president of the Institute of National Remembrance and I will have this right as the president of Poland after June 1.' Dear President @ZelenskyyUa, thank you for your message. I am looking forward to countinue partnership of our countries, based on mutual respect and understanding. I believe it requires not only good dialogue but also solving overdue historical issues. Poland has been Ukraine's… — Karol Nawrocki (@NawrockiKn) June 3, 2025During his ultimately successful campaign, President-elect Nawrocki, a nationalist, said that Poles should have priority in queues for doctor's appointments and called to limit Ukrainians' access to benefits. He also said he was against Ukraine joining NATO and the European Union, a stark contrast from Poland's traditional position of support as Kyiv fights off Russian forces. Warsaw's support, Nawrocki believes, should depend on Ukraine making amends for the Volhynian massacre, which could include the exhumation of Polish victims. Following the start of Russia's full-scale invasion in early 2022, Poland, under the rule of the Law and Justice – or PiS – party, which supported Nawrocki, accepted more than a million Ukrainian refugees and backed Ukraine with weapons as Kyiv's other European allies, such as Germany, hesitated. Thousands of Poles hosted Ukrainians in their homes as Poland became the loudest pro-Ukrainian voice in the EU and NATO. But while PiS has a long history of supporting Ukraine throughout its revolutions in 2004 and 2014, and following the Russian onslaught, anti-Ukrainian rhetoric is now taking hold. In the first round of the presidential election, 51 percent of Poles voted for candidates who had touted positions at odds with Ukraine's ambitions. Even the liberal candidate from the Civic Platform, Rafal Trzaskowski, suggested that Ukrainians who do not pay taxes should be deprived of child benefits. According to research by the Mieroszewski Centre, in 2022, 83 percent of Ukrainians had a positive opinion of Poles, but by November 2024, this number fell to 41 percent. In January 2025, 51 percent of Poles said that Ukrainian refugees receive too much support. Almost half of respondents said that difficult historical issues should be solved to improve Polish-Ukrainian relations. Research published in February 2025 by CBOS found that just 30 percent of Poles had a positive attitude towards Ukrainians, down from 51 percent in 2023, while 38 percent had a negative attitude towards their Ukrainian neighbours, up from 17 percent in 2023. 'I think that Poland should continue its support for Ukraine, but I am disappointed with the position of the Ukrainian state. If not for Poland's strong and decisive reaction at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, which encouraged Europe's support, Ukraine would not survive. And then in front of the United Nations General Assembly, Ukraine's president compared Poland to Russia,' said Nawrocki voter Michal, a 33-year-old travel guide. 'Ukrainians never showed any remorse for the Volhynian massacre. And I find it unacceptable that figures like Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych, who are responsible for massacres of Poles during World War II, are considered Ukraine's national heroes,' Michal added, referring to the Ukrainian nationalist leaders and Nazi collaborators. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine considers the decision of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland to establish 11 July as a Day of Remembrance for the victims of the so-called 'genocide committed by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian… — MFA of Ukraine 🇺🇦 (@MFA_Ukraine) June 5, 2025Michal's views are not uncommon. Meanwhile, grudges against Ukrainian refugees have swelled. 'In February and March 2022, in a few weeks, Poland became a country that was no longer culturally uniform. For many Poles, who had no experience of diversity, the very fact that suddenly their neighbours spoke a different language became difficult to accept,' said Rafal Pankowski from the antiracism Never Again association. Currently, more than 50 percent of Poles declare solidarity with Ukrainian refugees, down from 90 percent in 2022, he said, citing his organisation's polling data. 'One of the reasons why support for Ukrainians has fallen is right-wing propaganda and conspiracy theories spread on social media. We have been monitoring the situation since the beginning of the war, and it has been clear that in the long run, playing the anti-Ukrainian card will bring the far right political benefits. And this is what happened in this campaign.' Igor Krawetz, a Ukrainian commentator who has lived in Poland for almost 20 years, said that he is surprised at the speed of the shift. Two years ago, open hostility towards Ukrainians was viewed as inappropriate, even among the right, he said. 'Polish anti-Ukrainian xenophobia is no longer limited to spaces where Ukrainian migrants compete with Poles, such as low-skilled jobs. Now xenophobia is expressed by the middle class, too, who see that Ukrainians moved businesses to Warsaw, buy expensive apartments and are no longer poor people that need the Poles' support,' he added. The shift brings back memories for Krawetz. Polish solidarity with Ukraine ended in disillusionment and mutual accusations in 2004, when Poles supported Ukraine's Orange Revolution and in 2014, after the Euromaidan. 'Poles have got used to seeing Ukraine's misfortunes as their own pain. For the past 20 years, during crises, there have been romantic waves of brotherly support that lasted for several months and were always followed by complaints: 'I helped you in 2022 and you still haven't won the war' type of thing,' Krawetz said. 'I have survived the first and second wave of solidarity with Ukraine. I will survive the last one, too. It always comes back full circle.'
Yahoo
05-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Ukraine's Foreign Ministry criticises Poland for establishing memorial day on Volyn tragedy
Ukraine's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has criticised Poland's decision to establish a national day of remembrance for the victims of "genocide committed by the OUN [Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists] and UPA [Ukrainian Insurgent Army] in the eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic", calling it inconsistent with the spirit of good neighbourly relations between the two countries. [The Volyn (Volhynia) tragedy was a series of events that led to the ethnic cleansing of the Polish and Ukrainian populations in 1943 during World War II. It was part of a long-standing rivalry between Ukrainians and Poles in what is now Ukraine's west. Poland considers the Volyn tragedy a genocide of Poles – ed.] Source: a statement by Ukraine's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as reported by European Pravda Details: On 5 June, the Foreign Ministry of Ukraine condemned the Polish Sejm's decision to designate 11 July as a day of remembrance for the victims of "genocide committed by the OUN and UPA in the eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic". Quote: "Such unilateral steps do not contribute to achieving mutual understanding and reconciliation, which our countries have been working on for a long time, particularly in the format of the Joint Ukrainian-Polish Working Group on Historical Issues, which operates with the participation of the ministries of culture and national memory institutions from both countries." Details: The ministry emphasised that Ukraine "consistently advocates for a scientific and unbiased study of the complex pages of our shared history". Therefore, the ministry believes that the path to genuine reconciliation lies in dialogue, mutual respect, and collaborative historical research – not in unilateral political assessments. Ukraine's Foreign Ministry called on Poland "to refrain from steps that could lead to increased tension in bilateral relations and undermine the achievements gained through constructive dialogue and cooperation between Ukraine and Poland". The ministry also reminded both nations not to view each other as enemies, stressing that their common enemy is Russia. Background: In response to the mass destruction of Ukrainian monuments in Poland in 2015-2017 and the insufficient investigation of these crimes, Ukraine imposed moratoriums on the search and exhumation of the remains of Poles killed in 1943-1945 by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. For years, the issue of exhumations has been a bone of contention in relations between Ukraine and Poland. The new Polish government, headed by Donald Tusk, put pressure on Kyiv to lift the moratorium. Warsaw even said that the resolution of historical disputes would be a prerequisite for Ukraine's accession to the EU. In late April, the exhumation of the bodies of Polish citizens who were killed in 1945 began in Ukraine's Ternopil Oblast at the site of the disappeared village of Puzhnyky. Paweł Kowal, the head of the Joint Ukrainian-Polish Working Group on Historical Issues, called this a breakthrough in bilateral relations. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
Yahoo
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Exhumations of Volyn massacre Polish victims begin in western Ukraine
A team of Polish and Ukrainian researchers on April 24 began exhuming Polish victims of the World War II-era Volyn massacres in what is today western Ukraine, the Polish media reported. Forensic experts, archeologists, and geneticists began their work at 9 a.m. local time at the site of the destroyed Puzhnyky (Puzniki in Polish) village in Ternopil Oblast. This is the first such exhumation since 2017, when Ukraine imposed a moratorium in response to the destruction of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) memorials in Poland. The Volyn massacres, which peaked in 1943-1944, took place in the Nazi-occupied territory of what is now western Ukraine during World War II. UPA members killed tens of thousands of Poles, while thousands of Ukrainians were killed in retaliation. The massacre represents one of the most painful chapters of the Polish-Ukrainian history and has continued to strain mutual relations to this day. UPA fighters are believed to have killed between 50 and 120 Poles in Puzhnyky overnight on Feb. 13, 1945. The settlement no longer exists, and the area has been overgrown with vegetation, but close to 80 victims may remain buried here. The research team includes Polish experts from the Freedom and Democracy Foundation, the Pomeranian Medical University, and the Institute of National Remembrance, as well as Ukrainian researchers from the Society of Volyn Antiquities. Maciej Wrobel, state secretary at the Polish Culture Ministry, told Polsat News that the goal is to identify the victims and ensure dignified burial. He also said that the work is complicated by Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine, and warned against possible Russian disinformation operations. In recent months, the Polish and Ukrainian governments have made efforts to resolve the issue of the Volyn exhumations, with Poland's Prime Minister Donald Tusk announcing a "breakthrough" in January. Multiple Polish government and opposition officials have said that Warsaw would block Ukraine's entry into the EU and NATO unless the matter is resolved. Read also: Chechen scholar: Russia's cowardly violence in Ukraine is driven by desperation We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
