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The Journal
20 hours ago
- Business
- The Journal
Ireland joins EU defence initiative as countries across the bloc rearm
IRELAND IS TO sign up to a new EU initiative that supercharges military equipment purchases as Europe launches a huge drive to rearm, the Tánaiste has announced. Simon Harris, who is also Minister for Defence and Foreign Affairs and Trade, made the announcement this morning. The EU instrument called Security Action for Europe (SAFE) is an EU initiative intended to help member states focus on priority areas and address capability gaps. There have been some frustrations in the Irish Defence sector at the apparent slow pace of procurement but the Department of Defence believes that this initiative could quicken the pace of purchases by up to two years in some cases. This is achieved through engaging in joint acquisitions including ammunition, artillery systems and infantry equipment. Other areas such as critical infrastructure and cyber protections, air defence systems as well as drone and anti-drone tech. There is also a part of SAFE which will make a €150 billion capital pot available to member states which can be drawn down in low interest, long term loans. The EU, in its recent White Paper on Defence , has set out a plan to supercharge the European defence industry as countries across the Union rearm. Part of that plan is to ensure that countries like Ireland focus on purchasing from the arms industry of fellow member states. In practice, it will be much faster now for Ireland to acquire specific equipment in areas prioritised by the Defence Forces, in some cases up to two years quicker than under the current procurement rules. Advertisement As reported previously by The Journal Ireland had engaged in so-called Government-to-Government bilateral engagements but this is a more formal and more effective version of that. The Tánaiste said that he is 'steadfast' in his commitment to get Ireland up to the standard of other nations and that he will move through the initial agreed Level of Ambition Two by 2028 and onto Level of Ambition Three. This is criteria set out in the Commission on the Defence Forces which identified key failings in Ireland military capabilities. 'Availing of the possibilities available under the SAFE Regulation will allow Ireland to realise this ambition more quickly and more efficiently. 'I am determined to provide for the development of a full spectrum of Defence Force Capabilities that will bring Ireland in line with other similar-sized European countries. 'I have agreed, therefore, that the Department of Defence should leverage the common procurement opportunities offered under the SAFE (Security Action for Europe) Regulation as much as possible to progress delivery of Ireland's defence capabilities needs as quickly as possible,' he said. SAFE has an element which is a new EU financial instrument which will provide financial assistance to Member States to support their urgent public investments in defence industrial production, aiming to increase production capacity, improve the availability of defence products, and address capability gaps. The Regulation provides, amongst other things, for existing framework agreements or contracts held by Member States to be modified to add other Member States' requirements providing certain eligibility conditions are met. The regulation focuses on common procurement initiatives and associations with Ukraine's defence industry, ultimately strengthening the EU's overall defence readiness. The SAFE instrument will support Member States wishing to invest in defence industrial production through common procurement, focusing on priority capabilities. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
Mail & Guardian
2 days ago
- Business
- Mail & Guardian
Why a review of the White Paper on Local Government matters
Local government are elected to provide services, but many struggle to do this. Photo: Delwyn Verasamy In April 2025, the department of cooperative governance and traditional affairs released a discussion document on the review of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government. The latter was a bold and necessary step in South Africa's democratic journey. Its main aim was to redefine and establish municipalities as development engines capable of delivering basic services and driving social and economic development. Yet, as the past 27 years have shown, its assumptions and prescriptions have not fully aligned with the complex realities facing municipalities and their residents. The persistent failures of local government are not merely technical glitches; they reflect deeper structural, financial and governance challenges. Therefore, a critical review of the White Paper is not just a bureaucratic exercise but a matter of urgent national importance. For millions of people, municipalities determine whether they have water, electricity, decent roads and a healthy and dignified life. They are the foundation upon which inclusive development, social justice and democratic legitimacy rest. A central problem facing local government is the widespread failure to deliver basic services consistently. Many are financially distressed and some argue this distress is rooted in the very assumptions and structural arrangements articulated in the Revenue One key assumption was that municipalities would be able to raise enough revenue to fund the bulk of their operational expenditures. It was anticipated that municipalities would finance 90% of their recurrent costs, including salaries, repairs, maintenance and other daily operating expenses, using their own revenue streams, such as property rates and service charges. In other words, the remaining 10% would be funded by national transfers. This assumption underpinned the funding model for local government. It implied a local government model that is financially self-sufficient and capable of meeting its constitutional developmental mandates. But years of evidence have shown that this model was overly optimistic — if not fundamentally flawed. Municipalities in rural or economically marginalised areas struggle with their revenue collection because ratepayers can't or won't pay. The former is linked to high unemployment and poverty levels, while the latter could be attributed to administrative weaknesses. Apart from the metros, debt collection rate ranges from an average of between Many rely heavily on intergovernmental transfers that are insufficient to cover operational and capital needs. The over-reliance on property rates and service charges has also exposed deep inequalities, with wealthier urban municipalities faring better than rural municipalities that remain trapped in a cycle of underfunding and As such, the anticipated 90% self-funding benchmark is a structural revenue shortfall that remains elusive in many municipalities with cascading effects on service delivery, infrastructure maintenance, and overall governance. The inability to generate adequate revenue has direct consequences for service delivery. Countrywide, people face persistent water shortages, unreliable electricity supply, deteriorating roads, and poor waste management. Problems with governance It is no secret that many municipalities suffer from chronic governance problems, such as the lack of accountability, political instability and infighting, cadre deployment, poor consequence management, and skills shortages. Back in 1998, the White Paper envisaged professional, accountable local administrations; instead, many councils today are beset by instability, political interference and a lack of technical expertise. This undermines both strategic planning and day-to-day operations. The funding model has inadvertently entrenched spatial and economic inequalities. Affluent municipalities with a stronger revenue base can deliver better services and maintain their infrastructure, while poorer municipalities continue to lag further behind. This perpetuates the legacy of apartheid-era spatial planning and undermines the goals of equitable development and developmental local government. For the average person, the failures of local government are not abstract policy issues; they are realities that shape daily lives. In short, the effectiveness of local government is a 'litmus test' for the health of the country's democracy. When municipalities fail, people pay the price, and the consequences are immediate and profound: Dysfunctional municipalities deter investment, hinder local businesses and restrict job creation, thereby exacerbating poverty and inequality. Without reliable municipal services, people are forced to use unsafe water sources and makeshift sanitation, with dire health implications. Power outages, potholes and crumbling infrastructure disrupt livelihoods, hinder economic activity and erode public trust. Poor waste management and inadequate environmental health services expose people to disease and environmental hazards. When local government is seen as corrupt or incompetent, it undermines legitimacy and trust, social cohesion and fuels disillusionment with democracy itself. Differentiated approach It is clear that the White Paper must be comprehensively reviewed and reformed. This moment also creates an opportunity to rethink the local government funding model critically. A re-imagined national policy on developmental local government must take seriously the funding model that is supposed to bring it to life. A differentiated approach is needed, one that recognises the local government history, the diverse capacities and contexts of municipalities. This may require increased and better-targeted national transfers, especially for poorer municipalities, alongside innovative approaches to local revenue generation. Such approaches may typically include a review of the Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Framework to pursue a truly equitable sharing and allocation of revenue raised nationally. Reforming local government through a revised White Paper must also be part of a broader strategy to address spatial and economic structural inequalities. This must include targeted investment in infrastructure, support for local economic development and measures to expand the municipal rate base over time. But improving municipal governance will require both political will and systemic reforms that seek to professionalise local government and strengthen oversight mechanisms to root out corruption. Appointing skilled, qualified officials — rather than prioritising comradeship or political loyalty — must become the norm. This will go a long way toward strengthening local governance and accountability. As we look to the future, we must learn from the past, confront uncomfortable truths, and forge a new consensus on municipalities' role, funding, and functioning. This will go a long way in ensuring that all municipalities are 'fit for purpose' and capable of addressing the ever-evolving needs for all effectively. Dr Lungelwa Kaywood is a local government specialist and postdoctoral fellow in the Chair in Urban Law and Sustainability Governance at the Faculty of Law at Stellenbosch University.
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Municipal meltdown: Hlabisa blames debt crisis on failing revenue collection
Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (Cogta) Minister Velenkosini Hlabisa many municipalities in South Africa are in severe financial distress largely due to ineffective revenue collection systems. Image: Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs / Facebook Municipalities are drowning in debt largely because they cannot collect the money they are owed, according to Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Minister Velenkosini Hlabisa. Hlabisa made the remarks Monday at a national dialogue in Midrand, north of Johannesburg, under the theme "Every Municipality Must Work – A Call to Collective Action." More than 300 representatives from political parties and municipal councils gathered to reflect on the relevance of the 1998 White Paper in the context of local government performance. Hlabisa emphasised that the gathering was intended to facilitate open dialogue rather than deliver firm decisions. 'As we embark on this critical process, we recognise the crucial role political parties play in shaping the future of our local government system,' Hlabisa said. 'Local government is where policies become services, promises become infrastructure, and governance becomes tangible.' He said that while some municipalities are performing well, most are underperforming, plagued by financial mismanagement, poor governance, and over-reliance on consultants. 'All 257 municipalities in South Africa are governed by political parties, either through majority or coalition governments,' he said. 'We therefore recognise the central role of political parties and value your input as we seek to improve the White Paper on Local Government.' Many municipalities in the country are facing tough times, with many re-dealing with financial pressure, outdated infrastructure, poor service delivery, and leadership challenges. These problems often come as a result of weak financial management, corruption, a shortage of skilled staff, and too much political interference. Hlabisa said the failure of municipalities to generate sustainable revenue, particularly in under-resourced or geographically disadvantaged areas, has left many unable to meet basic obligations like paying salaries or contributing to pension and medical aid schemes. 'A one-size-fits-all approach will not solve these issues,' he said. 'We need a differentiated strategy and must consider running municipalities like businesses - with appropriate funding, structures, and remuneration for councillors.' Meanwhile, Auditor-General Tsakani Maluleke has voiced support for the ongoing review of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government. 'I just want to put on the table that our reflection as an auditor office is that the 1998 White Paper was fantastic. 'It's good to review it…but that must be followed by a very bold and courageous assessment and recommitment to implementing it. And implementing it as I see it, it's going to take political parties genuinely thinking about who were deployed to take on the rule and responsibilities in the municipal space.' IOL News previously reported that Maluleke's 2023 and 2024 local government audit report, tabled in Parliament last week, echoed Hlabisa's concerns. Only 41 municipalities received clean audits. While 59 municipalities improved since the 2020 and 2021 financial years, 40 regressed. Maluleke said that 99 municipalities received unqualified audit opinions, meaning their financial statements were credible. However, many had significant compliance and performance reporting issues. Of these, 71 failed to submit quality financial statements and relied on auditors to correct errors. In total, 219 municipalities spent R1.47 billion on consultants for financial reporting, yet 130 still submitted flawed financials - which highlighted the ineffective spending.
TimesLIVE
5 days ago
- Politics
- TimesLIVE
Cogta minister Velenkosini Hlabisa leads review of the White Paper on local government
Co-operative governance and traditional affairs minister Velenkosini Hlabisa will on Monday lead deliberations with political parties on the review of the White Paper on local government in Midrand, Johannesburg. The meeting will also look at local government restructuring before the 2026 local government elections. TimesLIVE
Hindustan Times
20-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Hindustan Times
Reel life in the dark room of Emergency
It didn't take even three decades for the sovereign democratic Republic of India to face a nation-wide internal Emergency (June 25, 1975–March 21, 1977), which in practice meant democratic despotism and electoral autocracy. Both paradoxical and contradictory-in-terms, when film producers, directors and artistes saw how their freedom was clipped while the censorial scissors became extra-constitutionally sharper in the hands of an elected despot. After the Emergency got over, the newly elected Janata Party government at the Centre published a White Paper on Misuse of Mass Media During the Internal Emergency in August 1977, that listed all branches of mass media (including cinema) and examined how their rights were violated through the reckless abuse of power. Playback singer Kishore Kumar was another artiste who fell out with the authorities during the Emergency. (HT Photo) My story begins with two instances from Southern India that the White Paper did not mention. Incidentally, on the very day of the clamping of the draconian Emergency, i.e. June 25, 1975, a Kannada film was winding up its shooting while a Malayalam film project was being launched in Bengaluru; the Malayalam film crew was in the Karnataka capital because at that time the State government was offering a subsidy of ₹ 50,000 to producers who made films in that state. The Malayalam film was Kabani Nadi Chuvannappol (When the Kabani River Turned Red, 1975). The director of the film, PA Backer, and its producer, Pavithran, are no more, but I spoke with TV Chandran, who debuted as an actor in Kabani (Chandran is better known as a screenwriter and director in Kerala today). Chandran recalled how they were harassed during the shoot because the film dealt with the theme of student revolt against the establishment. Later, the censors asked the producer to chop off nearly 1,000 feet of the footage. Parts of the film were reshot and was resubmitted to two central representatives. The film was screened for the two men at the massive Kalaivanar Arangam theatre in Madras (Chennai), who did not find anything objectionable in it. However, Kabani Nadi Chuvannappol was withdrawn from a cinema hall in Thiruvananthapuram a couple of weeks after its release under government instruction. This time, the police ordered further cuts. The second story is about the Kannada film, Chanda Maruta (Rogue Winds, 1975) starring Snehalatha Reddy and directed by her husband Pattabhi Rama Reddy. The film, inspired by P Lankesh's play Kranthi Bantu Kranthi had, in fact, prophesied the Emergency. The censors banned the film. On June 25, 1975, Snehalata Reddy, who was one part of the lead pair (along with Girish Karnad) in Samskara (1970), Pattabhi Rama Reddy's adaptation of UR Ananthamurthy's celebrated novel, was imprisoned on false charges. She was tortured in Bangalore Central Prison and passed away while on parole on January 20, 1977. She was only 45. Eminent Malayalam writer-director MT Vasudevan Nair had planned to make a film about her, which, unfortunately, didn't happen. However, Uma Chakravarti's documentary Prison Diaries (2019) provides us an invaluable document about the imprisonment of a number of women who resisted the Emergency through the life of Snehalatha Reddy. Anand Patwardhan's 1978 film Prisoners of Conscience is a chronicle of how, under the Emergency, dissenters were detained and tortured in prisons. Among the films the White Paper mentions is Aandhi (Storm, 1975) directed by Gulzar and starring Sanjiv Kumar and Suchitra Sen. The film's heroine was to be modelled on Indira Gandhi but that idea was dropped. Permission was granted only after the producer revised the film. Kissa Kursi Ka, directed by Amrit Nahata in 1975, fared worse. The film was a satire on the politics of that time. It was first banned and later, its prints were confiscated. The film as well as its negative were destroyed. Andolan, directed by Lekh Tandon (1975) dealt with the 1942 movement. It could not be released because the producer was ordered to cut all the portions dealing with underground activities that were contextualised around the story. Even the blockbuster Sholay wasn't spared. The censors asked the producer to change the end scenes. Playback singer Kishore Kumar was another artiste who fell out with the authorities during the Emergency. As a result, his songs were banned from the radio and television, both controlled by the government, and the sale of gramophone records with his songs was made unlawful! Such bullying and arm-twisting by the central government were commonplace during the 21 months of the Emergency. Like Snehalatha Reddy and Kishore Kumar, not everyone meekly surrendered. Actor Dev Anand opposed the Emergency publicly and described it as a 'dark night, a nightmare, an insult to the people'. He even formed a political party – the National Party of India – which had to be disbanded when he failed to find suitable candidates to fight elections after the Emergency was lifted in 1977. As the nation commemorates the 50th anniversary of the Emergency, these instances of pushback should be remembered. Amrit Gangar is a Mumbai-based author, curator and historian. The views expressed are personal.
