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Korea Herald
14-07-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
'Say no to anti-Chinese sentiments': groups protest in Seoul
Civic groups hold counter-rallies against anti-Chinese protests by some sympathizers of Yoon Suk Yeol Human rights activists and civic groups for Chinese immigrants held protests Friday evening, against the anti-Chinese sentiments that have been spreading in Korea particularly among the far-right groups. The joint rally consisting of unconfirmed number of protestors were held from around 7:30 p.m. in Daerim-dong, Yeongdeungpo-gu. It was hosted by a group calling itself "People of Western Seoul Opposing the Far-right," reportedly consisting of some 70 organizations including groups for immigrant rights and human rights, along with the minor opposition Democratic Labor Party. It was in response to a rally held by supporters of former President Yoon Suk Yeol, which was also held in the streets of Daerim-dong in southern Seoul. The rallies were led by YouTubers who have been calling for Yoon's reinstatement after he was impeached for his declaration of martial law on Dec. 3 and several illegal orders related to it. Why China? Why Daerim? Daerim-dong is a district in Seoul with a substantial Chinese population. It was among the reasons why it became a ground zero for those calling for Chinese rights here, and those decrying the country based on conspiracy theories about election rigging. The claim that the past major elections in Korea were rigged was one of the bases for Yoon's martial law imposition in December. Despite Yoon's repeated insistence of supposed "evidence of election rigging," the investigative bodies, the National Election Commission, and the court all concluded such claims to be false. Investigators conducted 181 raids on the NEC since January of 2020, with more than 90 percent conducted during the Yoon administration. In January of this year, a false story by an online media claimed that 99 Chinese spies were captured by the South Korea and US military, after which they confessed to election rigging. It was immediately denied by the authorities in both countries, and a criminal investigation is being conducted into the issue. Although no evidence of election rigging exists, some of Yoon's supporters continue to make such claims, with the misbelief seemingly fueling their discontent toward Chinese people. In Friday's anti-China protest, the Yoon supporters held up signs disparaging to Chinese residents, accusing them of being "loyal to Chinese communist party."
Korea Herald
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
'Say no to anti-Chinese sentiments': groups protests in Seoul
Civic groups hold counter-rallies against anti-Chinese protests by some sympathizers of Yoon Suk Yeol Human rights activists and civic groups for Chinese immigrants held protests Friday evening, against the anti-Chinese sentiments that have been spreading in Korea particularly among the far-right groups. The joint rally consisting of unconfirmed number of protestors were held from around 7:30 p.m. in Daerim-dong, Yeongdeungpo-gu. It was hosted by a group calling itself "People of Western Seoul Opposing the Far-right," reportedly consisting of some 70 organizations including groups for immigrant rights and human rights, along with the minor opposition Democratic Labor Party. It was in response to a rally held by supporters of former President Yoon Suk Yeol, which was also held in the streets of Daerim-dong in southern Seoul. The rallies were led by YouTubers who have been calling for Yoon's reinstatement after he was impeached for his declaration of martial law on Dec. 3 and several illegal orders related to it. Why China? Why Daerim? Daerim-dong is a district in Seoul with a substantial Chinese population. It was among the reasons why it became a ground zero for those calling for Chinese rights here, and those decrying the country based on conspiracy theories about election rigging. The claim that the past major elections in Korea were rigged was one of the bases for Yoon's martial law imposition in December. Despite Yoon's repeated insistence of supposed "evidence of election rigging," the investigative bodies, the National Election Commission, and the court all concluded such claims to be false. Investigators conducted 181 raids on the NEC since January of 2020, with more than 90 percent conducted during the Yoon administration. In January of this year, a false story by an online media claimed that 99 Chinese spies were captured by the South Korea and US military, after which they confessed to election rigging. It was immediately denied by the authorities in both countries, and a criminal investigation is being conducted into the issue. Although no evidence of election rigging exists, some of Yoon's supporters continue to make such claims, with the misbelief seemingly fueling their discontent toward Chinese people. In Friday's anti-China protest, the Yoon supporters held up signs disparaging to Chinese residents, accusing them of being "loyal to Chinese communist party."
San Francisco Chronicle
12-07-2025
- Politics
- San Francisco Chronicle
How the nation's first Asian American legal organization in S.F. is taking on Trump
The Asian Law Caucus office on Columbus Avenue in San Francisco sits a few blocks from where Wong Kim Ark — the man whose Supreme Court case cemented birthright citizenship for people born to foreign parents in the U.S. — grew up in the late 19th century. Arriving at the corner building, not far from Wong's childhood home in Chinatown, visitors — often immigrants seeking free legal services — will find a laminated sign on its office doors saying that federal immigration officers are prohibited from stepping inside the property. The Asian Law Caucus has long served clients from across the country. But the decades-old Bay Area organization now finds itself at the heart of the ongoing battle to protect birthright citizenship from an unprecedented challenge by the Trump administration as the fate of countless immigrant families hangs in the balance. In 1895, as a wave of anti-Chinese sentiment spread across the country, Wong, who was born in the U.S., returned to San Francisco from a trip to China. Upon arrival, he was immediately detained by customs officials who claimed he was not a U.S. citizen because his parents were Chinese. Wong was detained for four months on a steamship. But after his release, he and his attorneys from the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association challenged the government's attempt to deny him citizenship. The legal battle eventually reached the Supreme Court, which ruled in Wong's favor after about three years of litigation. And for the next 126 years, that decision enshrined birthright citizenship to anyone born in the country, giving clarity to what rights the 14th Amendment actually affords people born in the U.S. to non-citizen parents. But more than a century after the landmark ruling, President Donald Trump signed an executive order in January intended to end birthright citizenship. The same day, the Asian Law Caucus, along with a coalition of other immigration advocacy groups, filed a federal lawsuit to block Trump's order. 'When Trump was a candidate, he told people what he was going to do, and (eliminating) birthright citizenship was part of the agenda,' said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus. 'There was always a looming threat, and we had colleagues who started to plan on it.' The Asian Law Caucus is the only member of the coalition challenging Trump's order to solely represent Asian Americans, a distinction not lost on the organization's leaders. 'What ALC is doing right now is ensuring that we are working in a broad coalition, and that the stories and voices of the Asian American community are visible,' Kohli said. 'It's so important, right this moment, for people to understand that we're all in this together,' she said. 'We have a disproportionately high number of members of our communities who would be affected' by an end to birthright citizenship, Kohli said. 'This is a fight that we need to roll our sleeves up and commit ourselves to because so much is at stake,' Kohli said. To date, it's been over 53 years since the nation's first Asian American legal organization opened in a small Oakland storefront, staffed with one attorney and a handful of volunteers. The civil rights organization now boasts over 60 staff members, serving low-income Asian and Pacific Islander communities in the Bay Area and beyond. Before being enmeshed in one of the largest litigation battles this year, the Asian Law Caucus regularly provides legal services for immigrants on housing rights, worker rights and community safety issues. Kohli said the Trump administration's executive order on birthright citizenship would have far-reaching consequences. According to the Migration Policy Institute, ending birthright citizenship would leave 255,000 children being born in the U.S. without citizenship each year. Winnie Kao, one of the Asian Law Caucus' senior attorneys leading their legal team, fielded panicked questions from clients across the country after Trump signed the executive order. Many of them, particularly those from China and India on work or student visas, feared that their U.S.-born children would lose citizenship or face deportation, Kao said. 'We had community members trying to figure out should they try to induce their pregnancy so that they give birth before the executive order goes into effect,' said Kao, who grew up in the U.S. with Taiwanese parents. 'People asked questions, whether my children would be separated? Could my baby get deported? These are heartbreaking questions.' Since the beginning of Trump's second term, his administration has also threatened to revoke the nonprofit status of legal aid organizations whose work cuts against the grain of his policy goals. The Asian Law Caucus falls directly in those crosshairs, Kohli said. In the past months, Kohli said her team has had internal discussions to double down on their commitments to immigrants seeking help, while some potential donors have gotten cold feet in fear of being associated with an organization like theirs, Kohli said. But the Asian Law Caucus' efforts to pursue this legal battle have already drawn major applause from other community leaders, including the Asian American Bar Association in the Bay Area. 'Having ALC out there, standing up and representing the API community, and making clear that you know civil rights are civil rights regardless of which specific ethnic or racial group you belong to is critically important,' said Kelly Matayoshi, president of the Asian American Bar Association of the Greater Bay Area. In early February, the federal judge overseeing their coalition's case issued an injunction blocking Trump's executive order. So did other judges presiding over similar lawsuits filed by states and other immigration advocacy nonprofits, offering a temporary reprieve. Last month the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on a case that limited lower-court judges from blocking executive branch policies. The decision left some states to enforce Trump's birthright citizenship order starting on July 27. Twenty-two other states, including California, challenged the order this year, blocking the order from immediately taking effect. The Asian Law Caucus soon filed a new nationwide class action lawsuit in New Hampshire with another coalition of legal organizations. On Thursday, Kohli's organization notched one of its biggest wins this year: The federal court in New Hampshire ruled in favor of their class action lawsuit and issued a preliminary injunction, again blocking Trump's executive order restricting birthright citizenship. Though she now feels relieved, Kohli anticipates a long road ahead, but she promises to lead her organization as long as it takes to certify protections for her clients and people nationwide. 'I'm feeling incredibly relieved because our clients were so worried,' Kohli said. 'At the moment, obviously, people are watching closely what happens in the courts, but for now, babies are protected in the United States, and that's really important.'
Japan Forward
04-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Facing the Invisible Tank: A Hong Kong Bookstore's Stand for Freedom
In this five-part series, JAPAN Forward highlights individuals in Hong Kong who continue to resist the sweeping impact of the National Security Law. In Part 2, we feature Leticia Wong, a former pro-democracy district councilor whose fight for freedom lives on through Hunter Bookstore in Sham Shui Po. I was taken aback when I opened the bookstore's website. Right on the homepage, a bold message in Cantonese read: "Become a hunter, not unsuspecting prey." This is the reality of today's Hong Kong. The invisible threat of the National Security Law (NSL), enacted in 2020, hangs in the air like a suspended round from a silent tank. It is ready to strike at any time, from anywhere. Hunter Bookstore is located in Kowloon. At the entrance, a red slip of paper bears the word "Freedom." Below it, a poster urges: "Face your fear head-on." Inside, among shelves of ordinary titles, are books on the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, as well as works by pro-democracy activists arrested by Hong Kong police. These books are banned in mainland China. Since the NSL took effect, they have been removed from public libraries. Swept away by a growing tide of self-censorship, they have quietly vanished from mainstream bookstores. Anti-government demonstration held in Hong Kong in 2019. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) The store is run by 32-year-old Leticia Wong, a former pro-democracy district councilor. "People seemed to resign themselves to the fact that our freedoms were being stripped away, one by one. I couldn't stand by and watch anymore," she said. The crackdown began in 2019. Slogans from the anti-government, anti-Chinese Communist Party protests were banned. Even common phrases like "Hong Kong, add oil," a cheer of encouragement, were sometimes restricted for "evoking protest sentiments." Over time, people began to censor themselves out of fear — to protect themselves. Wong was once a political journalist for a local paper. She later became a district councilor, but after the NSL came into effect, she resigned in protest. She refused to pledge loyalty to the Chinese and Hong Kong governments. Eventually, Wong found herself drawn to bookselling and opened her own store. But the shop offers more than books. It also sells illustrated cards inspired by historian Timothy Snyder's guide to resisting tyranny. Each card carries a principle: hold on to your beliefs, summon courage, believe in the truth. Cards featuring 20 principles for resisting tyranny. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) Friends and customers often ask Wong if she's afraid to be selling these kinds of books. When I ask her the same question, she replies, "I want to ask the opposite. Why are you afraid? What exactly is so frightening? If you look fear in the eye, you might realize it's not as terrifying as it seems." Hunter Bookstore has been inspected several times by government officials. "They're just trying to intimidate. If I've broken a law, they can arrest me," Wong says calmly. On a large mirror inside the shop, a message written in Cantonese reads: "What you fear is yourself." Staring back is your own reflection. When asked which resistance card is the most popular, Wong replied, "Do not obey in advance." Hunter Bookstore is a quiet beacon of resistance — and a symbol of the silent defiance among Hongkongers living under growing self-censorship. ( Read the article in Japanese . ) Author: Kinya Fujimoto, The Sankei Shimbun
Japan Forward
03-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Facing the Invisible Tank: Journalist Ronson Chan, Self-Censored in Hong Kong
このページを 日本語 で読む In this five-part series, JAPAN Forward spotlights individuals in Hong Kong who continue to push against the sweeping effects of the National Security Law. In Part 1, we feature journalist Ronson Chan, whose cautious words today stand in stark contrast to the outspokenness that once defined his career. "The nature of 'One Country, Two Systems' has changed," said Ronson Chan, Hong Kong's most well-known journalist, after a brief pause. I had never heard him speak so cautiously before. He was answering my question: "What did you think when you first read the text of the Hong Kong National Security Law?" It's been five years since the law was enacted. But in our first interview, Chan had used much stronger language to describe it. His unexpected self-censorship made me realize just how much the times have changed. Back to the night of June 30, 2020. In the office of the online media outlet Stand News, Chan and more than a dozen colleagues were poring over the newly released text of the National Security Law. He froze when he reached the section outlining the penalties for secession: serious offenses could carry a life sentence, and even active participation would result in at least three years in prison. He was stunned. The wording was alarmingly vague and incompatible with Hong Kong's legal system. Yet the law explicitly stated that it would take precedence over existing Hong Kong laws. That meant the authorities could apply it any way they wanted. Under "One Country, Two Systems," Hong Kong had long enjoyed freedoms that didn't exist in mainland China. But now, what would become of that system? That night, Chan couldn't shake his unease. Anti-government demonstration held in Hong Kong in 2019. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) During the anti-government and anti-Chinese Communist Party protests that swept through Hong Kong in 2019, Ronson Chan rose to prominence by livestreaming scenes directly from the streets. He openly criticized police violence against journalists and the growing restrictions on press freedom. His bold, unfiltered commentary resonated with the public. In 2021, he became chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association, emerging as one of the most visible figures in the city's media landscape. Even after the National Security Law came into effect, he continued to call on the authorities to uphold press freedom. Now, five years since the law went into force, Chan was the first person I spoke to about the current state of Hong Kong. He spoke more cautiously than he had during our last meeting in late 2023. "Society has certainly changed," he said. "How exactly?" I asked. "There's a lack of transparency — not just in the government, but in the private sector too." "Can you explain what you mean?" "In the past, if something suspicious happened, the media would investigate, and the people involved would be forced to respond. Now, the truth never comes to light." "Why not?" "Because of self-censorship — by both the media and the public." Chan offered a concrete example. In February 2025, a Hong Kong high school student died during a study trip to Hangzhou, China. The trip was part of the government's ramped-up "patriotic education" efforts. The cause of death was never made public, triggering a wave of concern and speculation on social media. But authorities quickly declared it a suicide, and closed the case with no further explanation. And society fell silent. Elementary school students learn about the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. "Patriotic education" has expanded in the five years since the National Security Law was enacted. National Security Exhibition Gallery, Hong Kong. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) After the enactment of the National Security Law, the crackdown on the media intensified. Apple Daily , known for its outspoken criticism of China, was accused of violating the law and shut down in June 2021. Later that same year, Stand News, where Chan worked, was also forced to close after its senior executives were arrested. Since my last meeting with Chan in late 2023, the situation has only grown worse. In September 2024, the former editor-in-chief of Stand News — Chan's former boss — was sentenced to one year and nine months in prison under the Crimes Ordinance. He was accused of inciting hatred toward the government. It was a clear example of the judiciary rubber-stamping the Hong Kong government's efforts to silence dissent, backed by Xi Jinping's administration in Beijing. "You have to constantly think about what's okay to say and what isn't," Chan said. But there was one thing I needed to ask him. It was about his unexpected resignation as chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association in 2024. Just months earlier, in our 2023 interview, he had expressed a strong resolve to continue, saying: "If I don't do it, no one else will." When I brought it up, Chan explained: "Someone told me, 'You should step down as chairman.' I can't say who." In Hong Kong, it's widely believed that so-called "middlemen" — people with connections to Chinese authorities — operate behind the scenes. They steer sensitive matters in line with Beijing's interests. When I mentioned this, Chan became visibly agitated. "They're not middlemen," he said sharply. "They're people who actually hold power." Just for a moment, Chan's real voice broke through. Ronson Chan's motivation to become a journalist goes back to the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, when China's pro-democracy movement was brutally crushed by military force. At the time, Chan was just a primary school student. He remembers asking, "Why did the Chinese government kill the students?" One "why" led to another, and his interest in current affairs grew deeper. After Stand News was forced to shut down, Chan joined another online media outlet. But in early 2025, one of its senior staff members was arrested on financial crime charges, bringing a halt to their reporting activities. Despite the setback, Chan and a team of about 30 staff have been working tirelessly to restart their reporting. But it's a precarious situation. Chan says he has no plans to leave Hong Kong or quit journalism. "There's meaning in staying here as a journalist," he explained. Even with press freedom so heavily restricted? "It can't be helped. Even journalists in mainland China work under restrictions. But if reporters leave the field, they can't do anything." He's determined to keep reporting, even if it means going freelance. Though it's a struggle, he wants to stay on the ground. One day, he hopes to answer those "whys" — honestly and openly — from within Hong Kong. A banner reading "Five Years since Implementation of the National Security Law" stands out against a shuttered store in Hong Kong. (©Sankei by Kinya Fujimoto) On June 5, 1989, the day after the Tiananmen Square massacre, a man stood alone in front of a line of tanks, becoming a powerful symbol of China's pro-democracy movement. The National Security Law is like an "invisible tank" that has entered and taken control of Hong Kong. As of June 30, it has been five years since the law was put into effect. Since then, there have been people who — like the "Tank Man" — stood up bravely in defiance. Through their words and actions, I want to shine a light on how freedom has been eroded under the National Security Law. I aim to reveal how Hong Kong society has changed with the end of One Country, Two Systems. To suppress the anti-government and anti-Chinese Communist Party protests that escalated in Hong Kong in 2019, the Xi Jinping administration decided to bypass the Hong Kong government and implement the law. The text was not made available to the public in advance. Instead, the law was promulgated and came into effect simultaneously at 11 PM on June 30, 2020. Crimes prosecutable under the law include secession, subversion of state power, terrorist activities, and collusion with foreign forces to endanger national security. Acts of incitement, aiding, or abetting such crimes are also punishable. The law's long reach is meant to apply not only to actions committed in Hong Kong but also to conduct outside its borders — even by non-residents, including foreigners. ( Read the article in Japanese . ) Author: Kinya Fujimoto, The Sankei Shimbun このページを 日本語 で読む
