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AI is fuelling a new wave of border vigilantism in the US
AI is fuelling a new wave of border vigilantism in the US

Al Jazeera

time9 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Al Jazeera

AI is fuelling a new wave of border vigilantism in the US

In Arizona's borderlands, the desert is already deadly. People crossing into the United States face blistering heat, dehydration, and exhaustion. But for years, another threat has stalked these routes: Armed vigilante groups who take it upon themselves to police the border – often violently, and outside the law. They have long undermined the work of humanitarian volunteers trying to save lives. Now, a new artificial intelligence platform is actively encouraging more people to join their ranks. recently launched in the United States, offers cryptocurrency rewards to users who upload photos of 'suspicious activity' along the border. It positions civilians as front-line intelligence gatherers – doing the work of law enforcement, but without oversight. The site opens to a map of the United States, dotted with red and green pins marking user-submitted images. Visitors are invited to add their own. A 'Surveillance Guidance' document outlines how to capture images legally in public without a warrant. A 'Breaking News' section shares updates and new partnerships. The platform is fronted by Enrique Tarrio – a first-generation Cuban American, far-right figure and self-styled 'ICE Raid Czar', who describes himself as a 'staunch defender of American values'. I have been researching border surveillance since 2017. Arizona is a place I return to often. I've worked with NGOs and accompanied search-and-rescue teams like Battalion Search and Rescue, led by former US Marine James Holeman, on missions to recover the remains of people who died attempting the crossing. During that time, I've also watched the region become a laboratory for high-tech enforcement: AI towers from an Israeli company now scan the desert; automated licence plate readers track vehicles far inland; and machine-learning algorithms – developed by major tech companies – feed data directly into immigration enforcement systems. This is not unique to the United States. In my book The Walls Have Eyes: Surviving Migration in the Age of Artificial Intelligence, I document how similar technologies are being deployed across Europe and the Middle East – from spyware in Greek refugee camps to predictive border enforcement by the EU's border agency, Frontex. These tools extend surveillance and control. They do not bring accountability or safety. Since Donald Trump's re-election in 2024, these trends have accelerated. Surveillance investment has surged. Private firms have flourished. ICE has expanded its powers to include unlawful raids, detentions and deportations. Military units have been deployed to the US-Mexico border. Now, ICERAID adds a new layer – by outsourcing enforcement to the public. The platform offers crypto rewards to users who upload and verify photographic 'evidence' across eight categories of alleged criminal activity. The more contributions and locations submitted, the more tokens earned. Surveillance becomes gamified. Suspicion becomes a revenue stream. This is especially dangerous in Arizona, where vigilante violence has a long history. Paramilitary-style groups have detained people crossing the border without legal authority, sometimes forcing them back into Mexico. Several people are known to have died in such encounters. ICERAID does not check this behaviour – it normalises it, providing digital tools and financial incentives for civilians to act like enforcers. Even more disturbing is the co-optation of resistance infrastructure. ICERAID's URL, is nearly identical to the website of People Over Papers, a community-led initiative that tracks ICE raids and protects undocumented communities. The similarity is no accident. It is a deliberate move to confuse and undermine grassroots resistance. ICERAID is not an anomaly. It is a clear reflection of a broader system – one that criminalises migration, rewards suspicion, and expands enforcement through private tech and public fear. Public officials incite panic. Corporations build the tools. Civilians are enlisted to do the job. Technology is never neutral. It mirrors and amplifies existing power structures. ICERAID does not offer security – it builds a decentralised surveillance regime in which racialised suspicion is monetised and lives are reduced to data. Recognising and resisting this system is not only necessary to protect people on the move. It is essential to the survival of democracy itself. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

As Christian missionary, I oppose increasing deficit to deport peaceful migrants
As Christian missionary, I oppose increasing deficit to deport peaceful migrants

Yahoo

time10 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

As Christian missionary, I oppose increasing deficit to deport peaceful migrants

Few leaders today are willing to stand up against policies that saddle our children and grandchildren with massive debt. As the "big beautiful bill" comes before the U.S. Senate for consideration, Wisconsin's senior U.S. Senator, Ron Johnson, is right to oppose the current version. I spent most of my career as an evangelical missionary in Central America, and now in my retirement I teach English to immigrants through my church. There are some provisions of this bill that I appreciate. As a pro-life Christian, for example, I would be happy to see Planned Parenthood defunded. Yet, there are several problems with the bill overall, which would add $3 trillion to the federal deficit over the next decade, in part as an effect of the bill's dramatic spending on immigration enforcement. There's no question that Sen. Johnson is committed to secure borders, as am I. But the reality is that the border is relatively quiet right now, with so few individuals arriving unlawfully that most Border Patrol agents along the U.S.-Mexico border do not interact with a single unlawful crosser in a typical month. While some new resources may be needed, $60 billion for border security is a ton. At a certain point, more walls and Border Patrol staffing start to look more like a government-subsidized jobs program than a real national security strategy. Similarly, Immigration & Customs Enforcement needs enough funding to detain and deport violent criminals, as President Trump has said is the priority. But with $3.4 billion currently allocated for detention, most currently-detained individuals have not been convicted of any crime, and the greatest increase in detainees has been among those never accused of any crime. This suggests that the funding is not targeting violent criminals but rather sweeping up peaceful individuals who pose no threat. Yet this bill proposes $45 billion in new funding for detention alone. Letters: House budget provision exempts executive branch from following court orders That spending doesn't just increase the deficit. It also means detaining hardworking members of our community, including the dairy workers our state depends upon. Many of these individuals entered lawfully. They were sponsored by churches or family members, came through airports and lived and worked legally in our state until the administration terminated their temporary legal protections, making them vulnerable to detention and deportation. Johnson has rightly affirmed that legal immigrants contribute in important ways to our state's economy, and Trump has also acknowledged the indispensable role of many immigrants in agriculture and other sectors of our economy. But the budget bill would almost certainly lead to many being detained and deported at taxpayers' expense. When I lived abroad as an American in Costa Rica, I had to navigate that country's rules governing foreigners' presence, and I understand that our country must have such processes as well. But I was never made to feel hunted or harassed, as many immigrants do here today, even those who entered lawfully and have been working lawfully. Now, as I help hardworking farmworkers and other immigrants learn English here in rural Sheboygan County, I've noticed how our current political climate has instilled fear among the honest, hardworking immigrants I serve. It concerns me deeply. So, while I'm concerned about this bill for fiscal reasons, I'm especially concerned as a Christian. Four out of five of those vulnerable to detention with all this extra money are fellow Christians, as a report from the National Association of Evangelicals and the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops documents. Opinion: Wisconsin voters don't want to lose health coverage. Yet 96,000 will under Trump Some of them — such as Afghan Christians who have recently been threatened with deportation — would be returned to likely martyrdom. This has drawn the concern of leaders at conservative Christian organizations like Focus on the Family, the Family Research Council and the Wisconsin Family Council. I'm thankful for Johnson's independence in speaking out against the fiscal excesses of this bill, and I hope and pray he'll hold his ground. There are existing bipartisan frameworks for immigration reform, such as Republican Representative Maria Salazar's Dignity Act, which would present a much better option, ensuring secure borders without terrorizing law-abiding individuals and indebting out grandchildren. I pray that Congress will consider these potential solutions. Rev. Thomas Soerens served for three decades with the mission agency of the Christian Reformed Church in North America and now is retired in Oostburg. This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Political climate instills fear in honest immigrants | Opinion

AI is turning border enforcement in the US into a game
AI is turning border enforcement in the US into a game

Al Jazeera

time12 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Al Jazeera

AI is turning border enforcement in the US into a game

In Arizona's borderlands, the desert is already deadly. People crossing into the United States face blistering heat, dehydration, and exhaustion. But for years, another threat has stalked these routes: Armed vigilante groups who take it upon themselves to police the border – often violently, and outside the law. They have long undermined the work of humanitarian volunteers trying to save lives. Now, a new artificial intelligence platform is actively encouraging more people to join their ranks. recently launched in the United States, offers cryptocurrency rewards to users who upload photos of 'suspicious activity' along the border. It positions civilians as front-line intelligence gatherers – doing the work of law enforcement, but without oversight. The site opens to a map of the United States, dotted with red and green pins marking user-submitted images. Visitors are invited to add their own. A 'Surveillance Guidance' document outlines how to capture images legally in public without a warrant. A 'Breaking News' section shares updates and new partnerships. The platform is fronted by Enrique Tarrio – a first-generation Cuban American, far-right figure and self-styled 'ICE Raid Czar', who describes himself as a 'staunch defender of American values'. I have been researching border surveillance since 2017. Arizona is a place I return to often. I've worked with NGOs and accompanied search-and-rescue teams like Battalion Search and Rescue, led by former US Marine James Holeman, on missions to recover the remains of people who died attempting the crossing. During that time, I've also watched the region become a laboratory for high-tech enforcement: AI towers from an Israeli company now scan the desert; automated licence plate readers track vehicles far inland; and machine-learning algorithms – developed by major tech companies – feed data directly into immigration enforcement systems. This is not unique to the United States. In my book The Walls Have Eyes: Surviving Migration in the Age of Artificial Intelligence, I document how similar technologies are being deployed across Europe and the Middle East – from spyware in Greek refugee camps to predictive border enforcement by the EU's border agency, Frontex. These tools extend surveillance and control. They do not bring accountability or safety. Since Donald Trump's re-election in 2024, these trends have accelerated. Surveillance investment has surged. Private firms have flourished. ICE has expanded its powers to include unlawful raids, detentions and deportations. Military units have been deployed to the US-Mexico border. Now, ICERAID adds a new layer – by outsourcing enforcement to the public. The platform offers crypto rewards to users who upload and verify photographic 'evidence' across eight categories of alleged criminal activity. The more contributions and locations submitted, the more tokens earned. Surveillance becomes gamified. Suspicion becomes a revenue stream. This is especially dangerous in Arizona, where vigilante violence has a long history. Paramilitary-style groups have detained people crossing the border without legal authority, sometimes forcing them back into Mexico. Several people are known to have died in such encounters. ICERAID does not check this behaviour – it normalises it, providing digital tools and financial incentives for civilians to act like enforcers. Even more disturbing is the co-optation of resistance infrastructure. ICERAID's URL, is nearly identical to the website of People Over Papers, a community-led initiative that tracks ICE raids and protects undocumented communities. The similarity is no accident. It is a deliberate move to confuse and undermine grassroots resistance. ICERAID is not an anomaly. It is a clear reflection of a broader system – one that criminalises migration, rewards suspicion, and expands enforcement through private tech and public fear. Public officials incite panic. Corporations build the tools. Civilians are enlisted to do the job. Technology is never neutral. It mirrors and amplifies existing power structures. ICERAID does not offer security – it builds a decentralised surveillance regime in which racialised suspicion is monetised and lives are reduced to data. Recognising and resisting this system is not only necessary to protect people on the move. It is essential to the survival of democracy itself. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

US Department of Defense expands militarised zone along Texas border
US Department of Defense expands militarised zone along Texas border

Yahoo

time13 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

US Department of Defense expands militarised zone along Texas border

The US Department of Defense is significantly expanding a militarised zone along the southern border in Texas, granting troops the authority to detain individuals for potential federal prosecution on charges of trespassing within a national defence area. The Air Force announced on Monday the annexation of a winding 250-mile (400-kilometre) stretch of the border. This expansion comes amid a broader buildup of military forces initiated under President Trump's declaration of a national emergency at the border. This newly designated national defence area, running along the Rio Grande, spans two Texas counties and borders cities including Brownsville and McAllen. It will be treated as an extension of Joint Base San Antonio. The Air Force has stated its readiness to immediately install warning signs prohibiting entry into the zone. The military strategy was pioneered in April along a 170-mile (275-kilometer) stretch of the border in New Mexico and expanded to a swath of western Texas in May. Hunters, hikers and humanitarian aid groups fear that they will no longer have access. In the newest national defense area, military responsibilities include 'enhanced detection and monitoring' and "temporarily detaining trespassers until they are transferred to the appropriate law enforcement authorities,' the Air Force said in a news release. At least three people have been directly detained by troops in New Mexico for processing by Border Patrol. More than 1,400 immigrants have been charged with incursions into the national defense areas, a criminal misdemeanor punishable by up to 18 months in prison. Court challenges to the charges have met with mixed results. The militarized border zone is a counterpoint to the deployment of roughly 4,000 National Guard troops and 700 Marines to Los Angeles following protests over Trump's stepped-up enforcement of immigration laws. The troop deployments are testing the limits of the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibits the military from conducting civilian law enforcement on U.S. soil. Arrests at the border for illegal entry have decreased dramatically this year.

Analysis: Trump's big, beautiful bill might be unloved and a mess — but it will still probably pass
Analysis: Trump's big, beautiful bill might be unloved and a mess — but it will still probably pass

CNN

time18 hours ago

  • Business
  • CNN

Analysis: Trump's big, beautiful bill might be unloved and a mess — but it will still probably pass

President Donald Trump's 'big, beautiful bill' – which he on Thursday dubbed the 'ultimate codification' of the MAGA agenda – is a paradox that shows how power works in a broken political system in which he's the single greatest force. As it stumbles through the Senate, the bill – which extends vast tax cuts, hikes border security funding and includes historic cuts to Medicaid – is perpetually on life support as chunks keep getting culled to fit the chamber's budgetary rules. Growing numbers of Republican lawmakers required to pass the measure hate it. The public doesn't want it – according to a Quinnipiac University poll released earlier this month, voters oppose the measure by 53% to 27%. The survey is no outlier. Who can really say what is left in the bill after days of Senate wrangling? It's barely recognizable from the one the House passed. That's trouble for Speaker Mike Johnson, who is under great pressure to get whatever the Senate produces back through the House before Trump's July Fourth deadline. As Republicans race to pass the bill, those in swing seats may be casting a vote that they can't avoid but that could cost them their jobs. It's possible the measure could become one of those presidential vanity projects that lose the House majority, if Democrats flip the chamber in next year's midterm elections. But despite its many liabilities, you can take this to the bank: Something will pass, even if some White House priorities get pared back. And Trump will declare whatever lands on his desk one of the most important pieces of legislation in US history. The MAGA agenda measure has become imperative to Trump's prestige. It's too big and beautiful to fail. Trump is even more sensitive to such markers of success than most presidents. And recent history suggests his hold over the GOP base may cause most holdouts to cave in the end. The president has strong-armed vast political change already, using expansive executive power in a blitz that has triggered multiple court challenges. But legislation is the way to make reforms stick. And his description of the bill as the 'codification' of the MAGA project is about right. The measure is critical to boosting funding and manpower for the president's mass deportation plans. It also withdraws swaths of benefits for certain categories of migrants. It includes one of Trump's favorite campaign promises: the exemption from taxes for overtime and tips. In another nod to the president's populist origins, the White House has argued that the bill supports Main Street over Wall Street, touting support for family farms, housing affordability and new Trump investment accounts for newborns. The administration says that the typical family with two kids would have a take-home pay raise of between $7,600 and $10,900 and claims the bill would save or create roughly 7 million jobs. But as is the case with most big budget bills, all this relies on creative mathematics, rosy assumptions of growth and low inflation. And like Trump's tax bill in his first term, this measure is a feint that reveals the limits of his populism since it rewards higher earners handsomely. And the Congressional Budget Office estimated that the House version of the bill would boost the deficit by $2.4 trillion. Michigan Democratic Sen. Elissa Slotkin told CNN's Jake Tapper on Thursday that Trump was trying to disguise a transfer of wealth to the rich with populist flourishes. 'He's thrown in some little pieces here and there that will be, I think, really important but, man, he is preferencing the very wealthy in this bill, and he's trying to hide it by becoming the middle-class hero. We need to call him out on that.' Politically, the White House is eyeing a potential purple patch for the president. If it can add the measure to what it claims is the obliteration of Iran's nuclear program and a pledge by NATO members to up their defense spending to 5% of GDP, it would create an undeniably full second-term legacy for the president. Trump held a White House event Thursday that was meant to heap pressure on GOP critics of the legislation, but ended up sounding more like a victory lap, punctuated with Trump's characteristic digressions about his obsessions: former President Joe Biden, 'crooked elections' and the participation of transgender women in sports. At times, it was almost as if Trump thought the bill had already passed: He hailed 'one of the most important pieces of legislation in the history of our country and that's everybody saying that, virtually everybody.' And he added, 'The 'One Big, Beautiful Bill' to secure our borders, turbocharge our economy and bring back the American Dream – it's met with tremendous approval and reception.' The mood of celebration at the White House contrasted with the growing acrimony on Capitol Hill as Republicans clashed with Republicans. Democrats are powerless bystanders in the fight. But they are watching and waiting to blast the GOP for throttling Medicaid and making the rich richer in next year's midterm elections. Trump's demand for a 'big, beautiful bill' signing by America's birthday is now in peril. The timeline, which was already ambitious, took a hit with the latest decision by the Senate's top rules official that a multibillion-dollar slice of the measure was not allowed under reconciliation – the intricate process used to pass a bill with a simple majority, in this case with only GOP support. More bad news for GOP Majority leader John Thune: Thursday's ruling concerned one of the most politically explosive aspects of the bill – a change to taxes that states can impose to pay for Medicaid coverage. This comes against the backdrop of the bill's Medicaid spending cuts of hundreds of billions over a decade. Several prominent GOP senators, including Josh Hawley of Missouri and Susan Collins of Maine, who faces a tough reelection bid next year, have warned they won't vote for the bill if it contains these tax maneuvers. They say the measure could be devastating to rural hospitals, especially in many red states. This latest roadblock left Thune racing for a fix. But every modification to the bill could make it potentially an even more bitter pill for House lawmakers, especially conservative budget hawks, who say they are ready to defy Trump. 'Everything is challenging, but they're all speed bumps,' Thune told reporters on Thursday. 'We have contingency plans, plan B and plan C. We'll continue to litigate it,' he said. In normal circumstances, this wouldn't be too much of a problem. It's a rule of thumb on the Hill that bills often look like they are coming apart at the seams right up to the moment that they make it to their final votes. But Trump's craving for a July Fourth celebration is making things much harder. Thune would have to get the bill out of the Senate by the weekend. Then Johnson would have to rally his tiny, restive majority to jam it through, using the carrot of getting lawmakers home to the kids in time for the fireworks. The speaker could try to appease anger among his members over Senate changes to the bill by entering a conference with the other chamber to negotiate. But that could take days or weeks, meaning that Trump's plans for a bill-signing by America's 249th birthday would be spoiled. But some Republicans, who often talk a good game on opposing the president but end up caving under the MAGA heat, say the classic strategy of pressuring members with a bill that the president demands won't work this time. Rep. Eric Burlison of Missouri told CNN's Manu Raju that it was not responsible for leadership to agree a deal behind closed doors and then put it to a vote. 'That's what Washington is good at, is kind of jamming people last-minute, giving you something you haven't had time to read, haven't had time to get reflection or input from your district,' he said, adding, 'It's not ideal.' The Trump-era Republican Party has made a brand of breaking the rules in Washington – it's why it's so popular with grassroots conservatives, whose frustration the president has harnessed to his benefit. Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville hit out at the current parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough for a series of decisions that made the 'big, beautiful bill' a bit smaller this week, in an X post reverberating with MAGA applause lines 'The WOKE Senate Parliamentarian, who was appointed by Harry Reid and advised Al Gore, just STRUCK DOWN a provision BANNING illegals from stealing Medicaid from American citizens. This is a perfect example of why Americans hate THE SWAMP,' Tuberville wrote. The president, meanwhile, has little patience for anything that slows the bill – an amalgam of MAGA priorities being shoved through as one massive potential law because of fears that the Republican House majority is so brittle it will bear only a limited number of critical votes. 'We don't want to have grandstanders,' he said Thursday. 'They do it to grandstand, that's all. Not good people. They know who I'm talking about. I call them out, but we don't need grandstanders.'

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