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Malay Mail
4 days ago
- Politics
- Malay Mail
Can Xi, Trump, Khamenei, and Anwar get along? Yes — If the world rediscovers strategic civility — Phar Kim Beng
JUNE 28 — In a world marked by sanctions, suspicion, and soundbites, the idea that Xi Jinping, Donald Trump, Ayatollah Khamenei, and Anwar Ibrahim could ever get along may seem far-fetched. But it is not impossible. The world has long misunderstood the difference between ideological differences and strategic necessity. In an era of multipolar competition and post-normal crises, the ability to disagree without destabilizing the global order is no longer a luxury—it is a prerequisite. The answer to whether these four leaders can find common ground is 'yes'—but only if the world learns to value strategic civility over ideological conformity. And only if we recognize the role of strategic convenor powers—like Malaysia under Anwar Ibrahim—in brokering spaces where dialogue, not dogma, prevails. Four leaders, four civilizational trajectories Xi Jinping leads a China determined to reclaim its historical stature through the revival of Confucian governance principles, Party supremacy, and economic statecraft. China's global posture is one of confidence—sometimes defiant, but often methodical. Donald Trump, back in office, rules through disruption. His foreign policy may seem erratic, but there is a pattern: transactionalism, spectacle, and a preference for leverage over long-term entanglements. While he loathes multilateralism, he is not instinctively drawn to war either. He wants deals—big, visible, and beneficial to domestic constituencies. Ayatollah Khamenei, presiding over a beleaguered but resilient Islamic Republic, blends revolutionary theology with geopolitical pragmatism. Despite decades of sanctions and confrontation, Tehran has always kept a channel open for diplomacy—when treated with dignity. And Anwar Ibrahim—a Muslim democrat, intellectual, and reformer—brings moral clarity without moral posturing. He is not just the Prime Minister of Malaysia; he is Asean's most articulate proponent of civilizational dialogue, advocating for coexistence between Islam, the West, and the Confucian East. His track record shows a consistent commitment to rule-based order, justice, and multilateralism anchored in ethics. When strategic interests overlap, so can leaders What connects these four leaders is not their personal affinity but their converging interests. All four, for different reasons, now operate in a world where overreach brings blowback, and where the line between strategic deterrence and economic disaster grows thinner by the day. Trump wants trade wins and less global policing. He remains open to deals that avoid new wars, especially if they burnish his legacy and strengthen U.S. industry. Xi seeks global stability to ensure China's continued rise. Tensions with the U.S. must be managed, not escalated. A rare earth agreement with Washington was recently signed—proof that economic logic can prevail over decoupling rhetoric. Khamenei, behind the veil of defiance, sees value in a stable regional order. Iran's pivot eastward, especially toward China and Asean, reflects a desire to diversify diplomacy and find breathing room from Western isolation. Anwar, more than any other, recognizes that leadership today means navigating contradictions, not escaping them. Under his stewardship, Malaysia is stepping up as a strategic convenor power—offering a rare neutral space for diplomacy between conflicting blocs. The post-normal world needs convenors, not commanders In this post-normal world—characterized by chaos, contradiction, and complexity—what is urgently missing is not hard power, but bridging power. Countries that can bring opposing sides together without being seen as biased are crucial. This is where Malaysia's role as a strategic convenor power becomes indispensable. Malaysia does not lecture. It listens. It does not impose. It hosts. Its voice resonates across the Islamic world, the Global South, and East Asia—not because it is large, but because it is trusted. The Asean Regional Forum, the East Asia Summit, and now growing Asean-GCC-China trilateral dialogues all reflect Malaysia's convening capacity. Anwar's proposal to address global problems through neutral ASEAN mediation, or to build a global moral coalition against Islamophobia and Sinophobia, are not fringe ideas—they are blueprints for how strategic convenors should behave in the 21st century. Lessons from Asean's quiet success The Asean model, for all its imperfections, thrives on strategic civility—a concept the West often mistakes for weakness. ASEAN has shown how ten countries with vastly different systems can pursue consensus, non-interference, and cooperative security without military blocs or coercion. This 'Asean way,' when applied globally, indeed, turned into Asean Will, could moderate the extremes of U.S. unilateralism, Chinese assertiveness, and Iranian resistance. But for that to happen, countries like Malaysia must be given the diplomatic space to facilitate, not just participate. Ayatollah Khamenei, presiding over a beleaguered but resilient Islamic Republic, blends revolutionary theology with geopolitical pragmatism. — AFP pic Toward a new diplomatic quadrilateral Can Xi, Trump, Khamenei, and Anwar sit at the same table—perhaps not literally, but diplomatically? If the terms are mutual respect, economic stability, and non-imposition of political systems, the answer is yes. China wants a stable periphery and global markets. The U.S. wants reduced costs and visible wins. Iran wants security guarantees and economic inclusion. Asean—led by Malaysia—wants a world where small states are not trampled by the rivalry of giants. It is not only possible, but necessary, for this emerging diplomatic quadrilateral to form. Conclusion: Replacing clash with convening The time of zero-sum diplomacy is over. No single power—American, Chinese, or Islamic—can impose its version of order without backlash. What the world needs are strategic convenor powers that can host the moral imagination of all civilizations, offering an architecture of dialogue when architecture of dominance is crumbling. Anwar, by not siding with any ideological camp, but standing for values rooted in justice and dignity, is uniquely placed to midwife this new order. Yes, Xi, Trump, Khamenei, and Anwar can get along—if the rest of us choose convening over coercion, civility over confrontation, and realism rooted in respect. * Phar Kim Beng is Professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University Malaysia and a former Head Teaching Fellow at Harvard University. ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
CNA
25-06-2025
- Business
- CNA
World Economic Forum: Countries need to work together to bring down barriers, says Lawrence Wong
Prime Minister Lawrence Wong says countries need to work together to bring down barriers to strengthen multilateralism, amid growing uncertainties worldwide. He says that is how small countries like Singapore can make a difference and lay the groundwork for a more stable global order to come. Mr Wong was speaking with the World Economic Forum president in Tianjin.
CNA
24-06-2025
- Business
- CNA
Relationship between Singapore and China more important than before amid global turbulence: PM Wong
BEIJING: The relationship between Singapore and China is more important than before in this time of global turbulence and uncertainty, said Prime Minister Lawrence Wong on Tuesday (Jun 24). Speaking at his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People, Mr Wong said the two countries can work together to establish closer ties and cooperate on regional and multilateral platforms. This will continue to strengthen multilateralism and the rules-based global order 'for the benefit of all countries,' he added. Mr Wong also noted that he decided to visit China as the first country outside of Southeast Asia. This is his first visit to China as prime minister, and he last met Mr Xi on the sidelines of a multilateral meeting in November 2024. 'That reflects the close and steadfast partnership that exists between our two countries. It's a relationship that is built on a deep level of mutual respect, trust and understanding,' said Mr Wong. 'I look forward to building on the strong foundations established by my predecessors to continue building a close, good understanding and rapport with President Xi, to bring our two countries even closer together.' In his remarks, Mr Xi also noted that China is the first country outside of Southeast Asia Mr Wong chose to visit after becoming prime minister. 'This shows that you attach great importance to China-Singapore relations,' he added. Mr Xi also noted that 2025 marks the 35th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Singapore and China. 'Faced with the current international situation of intertwined changes and chaos, China is willing to strengthen strategic communication with Singapore, tighten cooperation and work together to face challenges and bring more benefits to the people of both countries.' Mr Wong met Chinese Premier Li Qiang on Monday, and will also meet the chairman of the National People's Congress Zhao Leji on this trip. In Tianjin, the prime minister will attend the World Economic Forum's (WEF) Annual Meeting of New Champions, often referred to as Summer Davos, and take part in a dialogue session with WEF President Borge Brende.
CNA
23-06-2025
- Business
- CNA
Commentary: Asian leaders sidelined at G7 summit amid global turmoil
OTTAWA, Canada: The G7 summit in Kananaskis, Canada, opened amid multidimensional crises. The summit epitomised the fragmentation and uncertainty that have come to characterise our age. Host, Canada, along with most of the other G7 members and Asian invitees, were looking to forge a baseline consensus on stabilising trade and the global order, while accommodating US concerns for a more robust and self-reliant defence and security posture. But events intervened. In the early hours of Jun 13, just prior to the summit's opening, Israel began its anticipated and feared assault on Iran's nuclear and security infrastructure. US President Donald Trump abruptly left the summit in the evening after its first day. The anticipated one-on-one meetings with many of the participants (including those between Indian Prime Minister Modi and Australian Prime Minister Albanese and President Trump) never took place. Trump appeared pleased that the agenda was set around his tariff threats, viewing the other participants as mere supplicants. Unable to meet up with Trump, Modi was deprived of an opportunity to represent the Global South in navigating shifts in global power dynamics. His participation was instead more important for restoring bilateral ties with Canada, which had been badly strained since the state-sponsored assassination of Khalistan separatists on Canadian soil. In the end, there was very little opportunity to forge a common consensus, especially as the host and other participants were wary of confronting – and fearful of provoking – the US president. MISSED OPPORTUNITIES Perhaps the single outcome referencing Asia, though indirectly, was Trump's meeting with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer. The two leaders jointly unveiled the trade deal they had outlined earlier in Washington, but in addition, Trump pledged to safeguard AUKUS, despite the announcement of the Pentagon's review of the deal. The deal with the United Kingdom represents an outlying concession to Trump's demands for tariffs. Not only did the United Kingdom concede a 10 per cent tariff, but it also agreed to swallow the 25 per cent tariff on steel and aluminium pending improvements in some vaguely defined future. The United Kingdom agreed to cooperate in a game of prisoner's dilemma, exposing all the other 'prisoners' to a protectionist tariff baseline that other countries may be compelled to meet. There was no time or room to reach a broader consensus on security to address the challenges posed by China and Russia. Issues like securing supply chains and critical mineral stockpiles were afforded little time in the discussion. Newly elected South Korean President Lee Jae-myung never had the chance to meet Trump, while Japan made no progress in securing an economic security arrangement with the United States. Nikkei concluded that the Japanese Prime Minister had come away 'empty-handed'. Trump, for his part, lamented the absence of Russian President Vladimir Putin, blaming former Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau. The opportunity to showcase the joint efforts of US allies to meet the security challenge – and in doing so, reinforce the framework of the global economy – slipped away, much like Trump himself. The summit ended without a comprehensive joint statement. Instead, the Canadian host had to make do with a Chair's Statement. The summit ended with six joint statements. The one on critical minerals failed to move much beyond the framework agreed to in 2023, despite the urgency of China's recent retaliatory imposition of export controls. Worthy but barely actionable initiatives on quantum computing and artificial intelligence served to dress up the relevance of the meeting, alongside a statement on combating wildfires – a topic particularly relevant to Canada and the province in which the summit was held. A SNAPSHOT OF TURBULENT TIMES The outcome of the summit in many ways belied the closing remarks by the host, Canadian Prime Minister Carney. Carney referenced the origins of the G7 fifty years ago at Rambouillet amid war in the Middle East, economic turmoil surrounding the end of Bretton Woods and stagflation resulting from the oil price shock of the Arab embargo. He called for a new era of cooperation to overcome the current economic challenges and claimed this new era had been initiated. But overall, the summit ended without rising to the challenge. There was little evidence that progress had been made in forging the 'resilience' that Carney called for to combat such challenges as climate change. The 'wildfire charter' joint statement – endorsed by Australia, India, the Republic of Korea and South Africa – fails to mention climate change. This, as much as the failure to agree on a joint statement with respect to Ukraine and a statement on the Middle East that failed to call for an end to the fighting, points to the limited cooperation among putatively 'like-minded' allies of the United States. The conclusion by one Canadian editorialist was that a G6 without the United States may have done more to advance international cooperation. When the G7 began, its members accounted for 75 per cent of global GDP – they now account for 45 per cent. When it began, the United States accepted the initiative of French President Giscard d'Estaing to address turmoil in the global economy. With the global economy again in turmoil – largely at the instance of US President Trump – the challenge is both to gain cooperation with the United States and to work cooperatively around the United States when required. On the evidence of this year's summit, it is not clear that the G7 provides the framework to do both simultaneously.
CNA
17-06-2025
- Business
- CNA
Globalisation is being rewired for a more complex world: IMD
IMD Business School President David Bach shares his insight on how businesses can navigate a more fractured and politically charged landscape. He remains optimistic that Asian companies can thrive by adapting to an evolving global order.
