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Daily Maverick
4 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Zuma's endorsement of Moroccan occupation sparks renewed debate on Western Sahara's future
More and more countries — and former SA president Jacob Zuma — are backing Rabat's plan for autonomy for Western Sahara. Former South African president Jacob Zuma's visit to Morocco and endorsement of its continued occupation of Western Sahara as an autonomous region, have rekindled debate about this contentious and ongoing issue. Zuma, who now heads the uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party, met Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita in Rabat last week. Zuma formed MK just before South Africa's national elections last year, as the then-governing ANC was moving to expel him. MK raked in 15% of the vote, contributing to the ANC losing its majority for the first time since 1994. MK cited a long list of explanations for abandoning the cause of Sahrawi independence, which Zuma espoused as president and the ANC still vigorously champions. MK's reasons included pan-Africanism, anti-colonialist solidarity, traditional leadership, territorial integrity and sovereignty. The anti-colonial argument was ironic given that the ANC views Morocco's claim over Western Sahara as colonialism and supports UN efforts to hold a referendum on the issue. Despite the rhetoric, most of Zuma and Morocco's critics — including MK's former secretary-general Floyd Shivambu and ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula — suspect Zuma and MK sold out for money or other material gain. That is certainly credible given Zuma's history of corruption and State Capture while president. Those same critics believe material interests are the main reason Rabat has been making steady progress in switching the allegiance of international and African states. 'With Morocco's typical use of money, I am not surprised by Zuma's move,' a retired South African diplomat told ISS Today. 'He has fallen into Morocco's strategic campaign to get African countries to endorse its plan. 'In effect, Zuma's endorsement changes nothing but causes confusion, which I guess is part of Morocco's intention.' The retired diplomat didn't see the South African government or ANC shifting their positions 'any time soon'. And didn't think this represented new thinking. It was noteworthy, however, that Morocco treated Zuma almost as a foreign minister. This was possibly to embarrass Pretoria, which is among Africa's most ardent supporters of independence for the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Or perhaps the aim was to shift South Africa's position. But Chrispin Phiri, the spokesperson of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation, told ISS Today: 'Our foreign policy is fundamentally shaped by our constitutional values and enduring national interests, not by the transient political manoeuvrings of any single figure or party. 'It's crucial to distinguish between the particular agenda of former president Zuma and his political faction, and the broader, more permanent aspirations of the nation itself. To conflate the two would be an error of the highest order. Mr Zuma and his party, like any political entity, operate as non-state actors.' It is difficult to assess how many states back Morocco's autonomy position. But support is growing internationally with the US, France, Spain, Saudi Arabia, the UAE — and, just this week — Portugal backing Morocco. In Africa the tally is murkier, though experts and media reports suggest Morocco is gaining ground. They indicate it now has around 23 supporters — most in West Africa, versus about 18 countries — mainly in southern Africa, backing Western Sahara independence or at least the right to a referendum on the issue. Significant victory Morocco was reported to have scored a significant victory in May when Kenya, which had hitherto firmly supported the SADR's right to self-determination, expressed its support for Morocco's autonomy plan. Ghana did the same in June. However, the Polisario Front that governs the SADR has also won a few points. This year, its major champion Algeria twice defeated Morocco for African Union (AU) positions, both as AU deputy chair and in retaining North Africa's seat on the Peace and Security Council. Nonetheless, the former South African diplomat said he was surprised by Kenya and Ghana's recent switch. He added that 'countries would have to think deeply and decide whether they would want to undermine African unity, which is one of the foundational principles of the AU'. Liesl Louw-Vaudran, AU expert at the International Crisis Group, says Morocco has made gradual progress in its campaign for recognition of its autonomy position, globally and in Africa. 'And I think Kenya is a very important country, continentally, at the UN and in the AU.' She also believes Rabat has succeeded in neutralising the issue in Africa. In 2018, shortly after Morocco rejoined the AU, Louw-Vaudran and Christian Ani wrote that the AU's decision to largely leave the Western Sahara issue to the UN had been 'a big win for Morocco, which believes the AU-led efforts are biased'. Louw-Vaudran told ISS Today this week that since then, Western Sahara was no longer discussed as a crisis within the AU, including in its Peace and Security Council. 'South Africa… and some other countries are still trying to support Western Sahara, but it's no longer such a huge emotional, explosive issue, because Morocco really is, apart from South Africa, achieving its goal to stifle any debate about the Western Sahara within the AU. It has got more and more countries siding with it, like Kenya now.' Louw-Vaudran said that despite rumours that Morocco would launch a campaign to get the SADR expelled from the AU, it hasn't happened. With strong opposition from the likes of South Africa and Algeria, 'it would be very, very difficult'. Sceptical SADR Foreign Minister Mohamed Beisat is sceptical about claims that Morocco is gaining support for its autonomy plan. He told ISS Today that Kenya and Ghana's reported switches had only been announced in joint statements with Morocco — not in their own statements. He added that it was irrelevant what any other country or leader thought. 'They want the world to vote in the referendum instead of the Sahrawis themselves,' he said, referring to the UN decision that the Sahrawis must hold a referendum to decide on independence, autonomy or integration with Morocco. Morocco now insists that the option of independence is off the table. 'I don't see the point of Mr Zuma to choose for the Sahrawis or Mr Marco Rubio or Mr Macron or Mr Netanyahu or anyone else. The choice is for the Sahrawis.' That is true. But in Zuma's case, it appears that in an increasingly transactional, self-interested world, many countries and others are backing Morocco's plan because it has something concrete to offer — from fertilisers to tourism, fisheries and renewable energies. SADR by comparison, sadly, does not. DM
Yahoo
03-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Togo's citizens want to leave Ecowas – new survey suggests why
A survey of Togolese citizens recently looked into perceptions of their government's handling of the terrorist threat in the northern region and of the Alliance of Sahel States – Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. The survey was carried out by Afrobarometer, an independent, pan-African research network, in partnership with the Center for Research and Opinion Polls. The Savanes region in northern Togo, bordering Burkina Faso, has become an area of insecurity since a jihadist attack in 2021. This security crisis is part of a broader context of growing destabilisation in west African countries, centred on the Sahel region. It led to the creation of the Alliance of Sahel States in July 2024. The survey also covered perceptions of foreign influence in Togo and discrimination against women and girls among other topics. Koffi Amessou Adaba, a political sociologist and one of the lead authors of the study, shares insights into the survey's key findings, and the potential implications for Togo's future. The survey, which involved 1,200 people, reveals that 64% of Togolese respondents believe the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger from the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) to form the Alliance of Sahel States is 'somewhat' or 'very' justified. This view is driven by three main factors: • a perception that Ecowas is influenced by foreign powers • a widespread rejection of Ecowas sanctions against Sahel states • the belief that Ecowas failed to provide military support during those countries' security crises. In addition, 54% of Togolese consider the presence of Russia (or the Wagner Group, now known as Africa Corps) in the Alliance of Sahel States to be beneficial. This trust in a non-western external actor reflects a profound shift in geopolitical perceptions in the region. Another important finding of this study is that 54% of Togolese believe their country would benefit from leaving Ecowas to join the Alliance of Sahel States. But opinions are split on whether the Alliance of Sahel States helps or hurts west African integration: 39% believe it doesn't undermine regional integration, but 37% think it does. Read more: This sentiment reflects growing frustration with Ecowas, which many Togolese now see as out of touch with the region's realities. The bloc is widely perceived as being too close to foreign powers and ineffective in responding to major security threats. Its repeated failures to help resolve Togo's political crises (of 2005 and 2017 for example) have only deepened public disillusionment. This frustration is unfolding alongside a broader wave of pan-Africanism in the region, marked by a growing rejection of former colonial powers and their institutional ties. But this momentum should be approached with caution. The desire to leave Ecowas reflects anger and a strong appetite for change, not necessarily a clear assessment of the economic and diplomatic fallout such a move could bring. Read more: Nearly six in ten Togolese (59%) say they trust the government to contain or root out the terror threat. This shows broad support for official counter-terrorism efforts, although some question the current strategy. Opinions are especially split on how the crisis is communicated. Some find the messaging vague or lacking in transparency. Others think it helps keep people alert without sparking panic. The survey reveals deeper concerns. Even Togolese outside conflict zones report growing insecurity. The northern crisis appears to be fuelling nationwide anxiety. Read more: Since tensions flared, Togo has been neutral. It has not openly condemned the Alliance of Sahel States countries and has maintained its membership of Ecowas. This careful stance reflects national sentiment – which leans towards support for the Alliance of Sahel States – while preserving Togo's strategic and economic interests. This approach isn't new. It's part of a long-standing Togolese tradition of balanced, pragmatic diplomacy. The nation has always pursued pragmatic and independent foreign policy that adapts to regional dynamics. As west Africa's geopolitical landscape shifts, Togo should: • maintain open cooperative relations with both Ecowas and the Alliance of Sahel States • preserve its strategic position as a logistics and trade hub for the region, particularly through the Port of Lomé • strengthen its image as a diplomatic force for stability in west Africa. Read more: Togo's careful balancing act remains its safest bet. The truth is, no one knows what the future holds for the Alliance of Sahel States bloc. But this middle ground gives Togo strategic flexibility regardless of how regional politics evolve. Togo's position leaves it well-placed either way. If the Alliance of Sahel States countries rejoin Ecowas, Togo keeps its influence. If they don't, it still benefits from its neutrality. Ultimately, Togo should keep playing this diplomatic card. Its measured approach offers rare stability in a volatile region. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Koffi Améssou Adaba, Université de Lomé Read more: 3 things to watch as South Koreans head toward the polls following turbulent political period Why Islamic State is expanding its operations in north-eastern Nigeria IDF firing 'warning shots' near diplomats sets an unacceptable precedent in international relations Koffi Améssou Adaba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Yahoo
01-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Pan-Africanists Unite: Preparations Begin for 80th Anniversary of Historic Manchester Congress
ACCRA, Ghana, May 29, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- The Pan-African Progressive Front (PPF), in collaboration with the Ghana Socialist Movement and Pan Africanism Today, convened a landmark online conference to initiate discussions and preparations for the upcoming 80th anniversary of the pivotal Fifth Pan-African Congress held in Manchester in 1945. Bringing together more than sixty influential pan-Africanists from 32 countries—including representatives from the USA and Brazil—the event underscored the enduring legacy and urgency of pan-African unity, decolonization, and the struggle against imperialism. The conference opened with Albie Walls of the All-African People's Revolutionary Party, who emphasized the far-reaching impact of the Manchester Congress on Africa's liberation movements and called for renewed clarity and action toward unifying progressive forces across the continent. Roland Diagne (FERNET, Senegal) highlighted the ongoing relevance of anti-neocolonial resolutions adopted at the Manchester Congress, noting the resurgence of patriotism and demands for true sovereignty, especially in the Sahel region. Diagne voiced concerns about external military interventions and stressed the need for ECOWAS to return to its foundational mission. Kwesi Pratt Jr., a journalist and member of the PPF organizing committee, presented a strategic roadmap for the anniversary celebration. He proposed the establishment of a central committee and specialized commissions on trade union issues, women's rights, and youth engagement, as well as mechanisms for mass mobilization and political power analysis. The meeting also featured voices from key organizations: Imani Na Umoja (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde) advocated for a comprehensive congress to unite organizations pursuing shared goals. Ouzayrou Mamane (Pan-African Movement for Reparations, Justice and Restoration of Historical Memory) insisted that reparations for former colonies are vital for economic independence and historical justice. Amina Hamani (MORFEPAN, Niger) urged transforming pan-Africanism from a symbol into an actionable tool for achieving full independence, amid renewed foreign interference. Saddam Alktif (CODESA) emphasized the unresolved crisis in Western Sahara, stating that pan-Africanism's objectives remain incomplete while occupation persists. Humphrey Quaye (PPF) reiterated the organization's commitment to fighting imperialism and neocolonialism, and called for collective action. Eighteen delegates contributed to a lively debate, culminating in Albie Walls' closing remarks and the formation of a central organizing committee. The PPF announced plans for further meetings and intensified coordination to ensure the 80th anniversary serves as a catalyst for real, unified progress in Africa's ongoing liberation and development. View original content: SOURCE Pan-African Progressive Front Errore nel recupero dei dati Effettua l'accesso per consultare il tuo portafoglio Errore nel recupero dei dati Errore nel recupero dei dati Errore nel recupero dei dati Errore nel recupero dei dati
Yahoo
29-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Pan-Africanists Unite: Preparations Begin for 80th Anniversary of Historic Manchester Congress
ACCRA, Ghana, May 29, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- The Pan-African Progressive Front (PPF), in collaboration with the Ghana Socialist Movement and Pan Africanism Today, convened a landmark online conference to initiate discussions and preparations for the upcoming 80th anniversary of the pivotal Fifth Pan-African Congress held in Manchester in 1945. Bringing together more than sixty influential pan-Africanists from 32 countries—including representatives from the USA and Brazil—the event underscored the enduring legacy and urgency of pan-African unity, decolonization, and the struggle against imperialism. The conference opened with Albie Walls of the All-African People's Revolutionary Party, who emphasized the far-reaching impact of the Manchester Congress on Africa's liberation movements and called for renewed clarity and action toward unifying progressive forces across the continent. Roland Diagne (FERNET, Senegal) highlighted the ongoing relevance of anti-neocolonial resolutions adopted at the Manchester Congress, noting the resurgence of patriotism and demands for true sovereignty, especially in the Sahel region. Diagne voiced concerns about external military interventions and stressed the need for ECOWAS to return to its foundational mission. Kwesi Pratt Jr., a journalist and member of the PPF organizing committee, presented a strategic roadmap for the anniversary celebration. He proposed the establishment of a central committee and specialized commissions on trade union issues, women's rights, and youth engagement, as well as mechanisms for mass mobilization and political power analysis. The meeting also featured voices from key organizations: Imani Na Umoja (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde) advocated for a comprehensive congress to unite organizations pursuing shared goals. Ouzayrou Mamane (Pan-African Movement for Reparations, Justice and Restoration of Historical Memory) insisted that reparations for former colonies are vital for economic independence and historical justice. Amina Hamani (MORFEPAN, Niger) urged transforming pan-Africanism from a symbol into an actionable tool for achieving full independence, amid renewed foreign interference. Saddam Alktif (CODESA) emphasized the unresolved crisis in Western Sahara, stating that pan-Africanism's objectives remain incomplete while occupation persists. Humphrey Quaye (PPF) reiterated the organization's commitment to fighting imperialism and neocolonialism, and called for collective action. Eighteen delegates contributed to a lively debate, culminating in Albie Walls' closing remarks and the formation of a central organizing committee. The PPF announced plans for further meetings and intensified coordination to ensure the 80th anniversary serves as a catalyst for real, unified progress in Africa's ongoing liberation and development. View original content: SOURCE Pan-African Progressive Front Sign in to access your portfolio
13-05-2025
- Politics
Africa's youngest leader, a friend of Russia, is celebrated by some and criticized by others
ABUJA, Nigeria -- As news emerged this week about hundreds of Burkina Faso citizens killed separately by both jihadi groups and government forces, images of Burkina Faso's junta leader Capt. Ibrahim Traore were plastered over Russian state media speaking about pan-Africanism and liberating the minds of the continent's youths. Traore, who was in Moscow for the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II, is Africa's youngest leader at 37, a strong appeal for the continent's young population that is used to much older leaders. Since coming to power in September 2022 after the country's second coup that year, he has dwelt on a rhetoric of self-reliance and independence from the West, particularly former colonial ruler France — a message that often resonates with young Africans and the diaspora. The latest Traore frenzy reached a new peak late April with a solidarity march in the country's capital, Ouagadougou, following an alleged coup attempt and comments by Gen. Michael Langley, the head of U.S. military in Africa, accusing the Burkina Faso leader of misusing the country's gold reserves. Following the 2022 coup that brought him to power, Traore promised to end the country's decadeslong deadly security crisis and leverage its rich mineral resources for the benefit of its 24 million citizens. Alongside the coup-hit nations of Niger and Mali, Burkina Faso has since severed ties with the regional bloc of ECOWAS — criticized by many young Africans as representing the interest of leaders and not the citizens — as well as longstanding Western allies such as France, whose military provided security support to the government for many years to help its security crisis. Analysts and locals suggest that these factors, combined with his youth, have contributed to Traore's appeal among young Africans. 'There is a growing consciousness among African youth at home and abroad that they need to do something about the continent's lack of progress,' said Richard Alandu, a Ghanaian living near the border with Burkina Faso. 'It appears Traore has become the face of that consciousness.' The security crisis that Traore vowed to resolve has worsened instead, slowing the country's overall economic development and preventing most citizens from benefiting from its mineral wealth, according to analysts and researchers' data. 'There has been no real progress on the ground' in Burkina Faso, said Gbara Awanen, a professor of international relations and security studies at Nigeria's Baze University, who specializes in West Africa. 'A lot of it is just sleek propaganda." Data from the U.S.-based Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, or ACLED, shows that while 2,894 people were killed by both government and armed groups during the year before the 2022 coup, the number has more than doubled to at least 7,200 in the last year. Analysts say the attacks have worsened to the point that Ouagadougou is now increasingly threatened, with more than 60% of the country outside of government control. At least 2.1 million people have lost their homes as a result of the violence, and almost 6.5 million need humanitarian aid to survive, conservative estimates show. Babacar Ndiaye, a senior fellow at the Senegal-based Timbuktu Institute for Peace Studies, attributes the current frenzy surrounding Traore primarily to his popularity — and Russia-driven propaganda Despite Burkina Faso's worsening security crisis, Traore still has 'so much resonance and interest simply because of propaganda,' Ndiaye said. 'In Africa, there is deep frustration with the traditional leadership, so there is polarized anger towards a scapegoat that is the west.' West Africa, meanwhile, has a history of young men seizing power as exemplified by John Jerry Rawlings in Ghana, Samuel Doe in Liberia and Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso, all in the 1980s. That history, placed against the perceived failure of Western-style democracy in Africa, has helped to create conditions for idolizing the likes of Traore. Still, allegations of propaganda do not adequately explain the excitement that has built up around Africa's youngest ruler, according to Chidi Odinkalu, an Africa analyst and professor at Tufts University. 'Traore articulates a revolutionary message that is appealing to a young population frustrated by the thievery of what passes for 'democracy' in their own countries,' said Odinkalu.
