Latest news with #politicaldeadlock
Japan Times
2 days ago
- Politics
- Japan Times
Ishiba loses his ‘mandate from heaven'
Shigeru Ishiba was long considered an outside prospect to become Japan's leader — so much so that he once said it would take the involvement of the gods themselves. "If I were ever to become prime minister, it would probably be when the Liberal Democratic Party or Japan was in serious deadlock,' he wrote in his book published last year. "Unless I receive a mandate from heaven, it's unlikely to happen.' After Sunday's humiliation at the polls, whatever mandate from heaven he once commanded is lost. The LDP suffered a devastating loss in the Upper House elections. Ishiba had already set himself the low bar of retaining a majority in the chamber along with long-time coalition partner Komeito. It failed to achieve even that, even if the final results were better than exit polls had suggested. It's a rebuke from the electorate that has few parallels outside of times of extreme economic distress, such as when the LDP was ejected from power in 2009 in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. The brewing matter now is the ongoing trade talks with the U.S. But these results show Ishiba no longer has the authority to negotiate them as Japan's leader. Against all odds, he was elected LDP leader, and therefore prime minister, after a fractious search in 2024 — with a party tainted by scandal looking for a new face that could win elections. He had previously sought the top office on four separate occasions and had declared this his last attempt. With little support from traditional factions and hewing to a more liberal wing of the party than normally commanded power, his goal seemed quixotic. Nonetheless, he saw off the opposition to realize his four decade-long quest to to lead Japan. This latest crisis was largely of Ishiba's own making. Upon becoming prime minister last year, he called a snap election — one that wasn't legally required and which he initially said he wouldn't seek. His purported popularity dissipated instantly and he was forced into a minority government. His period in power since has been a hodgepodge of temporary alliances just to keep government lights on. Last month, Ishiba oversaw the most disastrous campaign ever for his party in the Tokyo assembly election. Surely, this third time must be his last chance. He has been so unpopular with his own party's candidates that many asked he not show up at rallies. As a result, the LDP was virtually anonymous and the party that has ruled Japan for most of the last seven decades yielded the debate floor to the opposition. The vote in 2024 left the LDP without accomplishments to run on, while smaller groups with YouTube accounts and gripes about foreigners promised the electorate everything. In 2009, as a member of then-Prime Minister Taro Aso's Cabinet, Ishiba was among the first to break ranks after an electoral defeat and call for Aso's removal. Yet now, in the face of a far worse loss, he insists he will stay on, citing the need to handle the ongoing U.S. tariff talks — discussions he has presided over for three months without the slightest sign of progress. Ishiba's smartest political move has been to exploit the threat of U.S. President Donald Trump to extend his own time in power. He cleverly branded the threat of tariffs a "national crisis,' a phrase politicians previously used to describe the likes of the devastating March 11, 2011, earthquake. But Sunday's results leave little doubt. In three major elections in a row, the public has rejected him. Younger voters and conservatives deserted the LDP in droves, drawn instead to the likes of the fringe right party Sanseito. It's a movement that I believe won't last long, but which is attracting right-leaning voters with its populist talk — and nabbing those who would normally lean LDP. If, like in Aso's era, there was an organized opposition party waiting in the wings to take power that would be one thing. But the protest vote from a disillusioned electorate has gone instead to cranks and conspiracy theorists. Ishiba says he must solve the trade issue, but what right does he have to negotiate such long-lasting deals? No one wants to see a return to the "revolving door' of Japanese politics. But this is an exception. Ishiba must do the right thing and resign. It's unclear if there's anyone in the LDP who can salvage the party's fortunes. But it's not the current prime minister. Gearoid Reidy is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Japan and the Koreas.
Japan Times
4 days ago
- Politics
- Japan Times
Japan ruling bloc projected to lose majority in Upper House election defeat
Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partner, Komeito, were projected to lose their majority in the Upper House, media reports said Sunday, a defeat that could trigger Ishiba's resignation or political deadlock in parliament. The election — which comes just nine months after Ishiba took office — was seen as a rebuke of the prime minister and the LDP, which has now been dealt drubbings in two national elections under his leadership following October's loss of its majority in a Lower House poll. A variety of scenarios now await the country, from an enlarged ruling coalition to an opposition-led chamber, or even a minority leadership in both chambers. Pressure is likely to rise for Ishiba to resign, although it was too early to tell if that would be the case. The outcome of the Upper House election on Sunday will greatly impact Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's administration. | Bloomberg
Reuters
14-07-2025
- Business
- Reuters
Romanian government survives no confidence vote and pushes tax hikes through
BUCHAREST, July 14 (Reuters) - Romanian Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan's three-week old coalition government survived a no confidence vote on Monday, allowing it to push through unpopular tax hikes needed to lower the European Union's largest budget deficit. The government has fast-tracked through parliament an increase in value-added tax, excise duties and other levies from August to prevent a ratings downgrade to below investment level and to unblock access to EU funds. The broad coalition of four pro-European parties took power at the end of June, ending months of political deadlock after a presidential election was cancelled in December and was re-run in May. The parties have been reluctant to agree the hikes that have been criticised by employers and unionists while thousands of public sector workers have staged protests. The hard-right opposition filed Monday's no confidence motion and said it will file more. "I understand the opposition does not agree with the measures proposed by the government," Bolojan told lawmakers. "What then are the solutions? On the one hand we are told the problems in the economy are serious, on the other not to take these measures. We can't have both." While all four parties in the government approved the increases, the Social Democrats, the coalition's largest party without which a ruling majority cannot hold, criticised them on Monday. "For solid, continued political support we must quickly correct some of the absurd things from this first package of measures," Social Democrat leader Sorin Grindeanu said. The Social Democrats had supported replacing a flat rate of tax on income with progressive taxation instead of raising VAT, but the other parties did not support that and the tax authority has said it is not equipped to enforce it. Bolojan said earlier this month the coalition government would do everything possible to lower the deficit to around 8% of economic output by year-end from last year's 9.3% - above an initial 7% target - and closer to 6% in 2026. Under Romanian law, the tax measures could be challenged in the constitutional court, and the opposition last week said they would seek to do so.
The Guardian
02-06-2025
- General
- The Guardian
Nawrocki wins Poland presidential election runoff in blow to Donald Tusk's government
Karol Nawrocki, the populist-right opposition candidate, has won Poland's presidential election, defeating his pro-European rival in a close contest. Official results showed Nawrocki secured 50.89%, with Rafał Trzaskowski on 49.11%. The victory is a significant blow to the coalition government, led by Donald Tusk, and is expected to prolong the political deadlock in the country. Given the president's power to veto legislation, the result of the race will have huge implications for the country's political future
ABC News
09-05-2025
- Politics
- ABC News
Political parties in Taiwan recall dozens of MPs just one year after election
A controversial campaign to prematurely unseat dozens of opposition members of parliament has polarised Taiwan, triggering competing rallies and fierce debate over the future of its democracy. Supporters say it's about breaking political deadlock. Opponents say it's a dangerous power grab by the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Tens of thousands of protesters gathered in central Taipei on April 26, just outside the Presidential Office building, to "stand up and fight the dictator". The "dictator" in question was President Lai Ching-te of the DPP, who was democratically elected just over a year ago. The rally marked the most high-profile response yet to a nationwide campaign targeting opposition MPs known as a recall. "Disagreement is normal in a democracy," said Stacey Chen, a supporter of the opposition Taiwan People's Party. So, exactly who is being targeted by the recall? What do voters think? And where does it leave Taiwan in the face of threats from Beijing? Taiwan is a self-governing island of 23 million people with a vibrant, if often polarised, democracy. Its political system allows voters to remove their elected representatives before the end of their term through a legal process known as a recall. "He absolutely does not qualify as [a dictator]," said Tang Ching-ping from National Chengchi University about Mr Lai. But recalls are rare — and they've never been used on this scale before. The current wave of recall motions began after the DPP lost its majority in parliament during the 2024 elections. Although it held on to the presidency, it won just 51 out of 113 seats in the legislature — one seat short of its main rival, the Kuomintang, a party often accused by the DPP as being pro-Beijing. The Taiwan People's Party won eight seats, and two independents hold the balance of power. The Kuomintang and Taiwan People's Party have since formed a coalition, giving them control of parliament. The DPP has accused them of blocking legislation, cutting budgets, and paralysing the government. In January, the opposition coalition pushed through major funding cuts — slashing about 7 per cent of the annual budget and freezing billions more. "Hostile China will be very pleased," Taiwan's Premier Cho Jung-tai warned at the time, suggesting the cuts could weaken the island's defences. The stand-off triggered the launch of the Great Recall campaign. Supporters say it's about protecting national security and democracy from an obstructionist opposition. Critics say it's a dangerous attempt to silence dissent and tilt the political playing field. To win back control of parliament, the DPP needs to remove at least six district-level opposition politicians and replace them with its own candidates. But not all are vulnerable. Taiwan's parliament includes two types of legislators: district representatives, who are elected by local voters, and "at-large" members, who are chosen based on party vote share. Only district MPs can be recalled. It means that 13 Kuomintang legislators and all eight Taiwan People's Party legislators — who hold at-large seats — are safe. So far, pro-DPP groups have filed recall motions against 34 Kuomintang politicians and one independent aligned with the Kuomintang. The Kuomintang has denounced the effort as a "witch hunt" and an attempt by the DPP to establish one-party rule. It has launched a counter-campaign targeting 15 DPP legislators. Kuomintang chair Eric Chu has accused Mr Lai of launching "a cultural revolution in Taiwan", referencing the bloody purges in China under Mao Zedong. He also threatened to initiate a recall motion against Mr Lai himself as soon as it becomes legally possible, on May 20 — one year after Mr Lai took office. For his part, Mr Lai has rejected characterisations as a dictator. "You can't only oppose the DPP but stay silent on the Chinese Communist Party," he said. The Great Recall campaign has struck a nerve in Taiwanese society — not just in parliament, but on the streets, within families and online. Pop-up booths where volunteers gather recall signatures have become flashpoints for political confrontation. Videos of heated arguments between strangers have gone viral on social media. Some DPP supporters see the campaign as necessary for Taiwan's survival in the face of growing pressure from Beijing. "We are facing an existential threat from China," said a DPP volunteer gathering signatures in Taipei. But public opinion appears to be shifting. A recent poll by the Taiwanese Public Opinion Foundation found 59.3 per cent of respondents oppose the DPP's recall campaign, with 33.8 per cent in support. Now, figures within the DPP are urging caution. Former president Chen Shui-bian — the first DPP leader known for his strong advocacy of Taiwanese sovereignty and a clear break from China — warned against using recalls to punish political opponents. "Respecting different opinions and listening to minority voices is the true essence of democracy," Mr Chen said. "You can't label someone an agent of some entity just because they hold a different view." Ms Chen, a supporter of the opposition Taiwan People's Party who attended the April 26 rally, said: "I'm 43 years old, born and raised here, and I've never seen the country this divided in my entire life. "There was never this idea that 'If you don't support the DPP, you are a CCP collaborator.'" That fear of being labelled pro-Beijing — even for holding moderate or dissenting views — is a recurring theme. Deer Lee, in his 20s, said he avoids political discussions with friends, many of whom support the DPP. "If your views are even slightly different, you get sidelined," he said. Others believe the DPP is using the recall campaign as a political weapon, not a democratic safeguard. "If it's about recalling a single unfit legislator, I think that's something we can discuss rationally," said university student Eric Hsu. Professor Tang said the mass recall campaign was eating away at something deeper than party politics. "Taiwanese society has always been grounded in trust and strong social bonds," he said. "But this campaign is being driven by resentment, not accountability — and that's not good for democracy." In the first stage, the campaign must gather signatures from at least 1 per cent of the voters in a politician's district. If successful, a second stage requires support from 10 per cent of eligible voters. A recall voting process is then facilitated. For it to pass, the number of votes in favour must both exceed those against and make up more than 25 per cent of the total electorate. This makes recalls difficult to pull off — but not impossible, especially with strong party machinery behind them. Taiwan's growing domestic divide is unfolding at a time of deepening geopolitical tension. China, which claims Taiwan as one of its provinces and has not ruled out using force to take it, has ramped up its military pressure. Live-fire drills and other military exercises by the People's Liberation Army around Taiwan are now routine. In early April, Beijing staged another round of drills, simulating attacks on Taiwan's ports and energy facilities. Around the same time, Chinese state media released propaganda cartoons portraying Mr Lai as a parasite being grilled over flames. The drills drew condemnation from both the ruling DPP and the opposition Kuomintang. But the Kuomintang also used the moment to urge the Lai administration to tone down its rhetoric. Adding to the unease was a surprise move from Taiwan's closest ally, the United States. The Trump administration in April announced a 32 per cent tariff on some Taiwanese goods — a decision that stunned the island. The tariff was suspended shortly afterwards, pending trade talks, but it left many questioning how reliable Taiwan's partners really are. The opposition seized on the moment, accusing the DPP of jeopardising Taiwan's "silicon shield" — a term referring to Taiwan's dominance in semiconductor manufacturing, which many believe acts as a strategic buffer against Chinese aggression. That argument was sharpened after Taiwan's chip giant, TSMC, announced a $US100 billion investment in American factories. At the April 26 rally, senior Kuomintang figure Han Kuo-yu summed up the sense of pressure from all sides. "Three swords are hanging over the people of Taiwan," he said — referring to the US tariff threat, China's military drills, and the domestic turmoil caused by the recall campaign. So far, Mr Lai has not publicly commented on the recall drives launched by either camp and has instead called for national unity in the face of rising external threats. Recall votes could begin as soon as late August.
