Latest news with #post-Assad
Shafaq News
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Syria plans mass foreign fighters relocation
Shafaq News - Damascus Syria's interim government is arranging the relocation of thousands of foreign armed forces' fighters to African countries, a source close to Syrian military leadership revealed on Wednesday. The source told the Emirati outlet Erem News that the move aims to ease 'growing internal and external pressure on the transitional authority' over the presence of foreign combatants, who reportedly number between 10,000 and 12,000—roughly 10 to 20% of the forces that helped topple the Al-Assad regime. The foreign fighter issue has become a central concern for Western governments engaging with post-Assad Syria. Observers say any progress on diplomatic normalization or reconstruction aid will likely hinge on how the interim authorities address the fate of these fighters, according to Erem News. Earlier, the Syrian administration took steps to formalize the role of some foreign fighters within its restructured army. However, their presence remains a critical challenge, particularly as Damascus seeks international legitimacy and explores the possibility of normalizing ties with Israel. Domestically, the issue has become increasingly contentious amid reports of foreign fighters acting outside government control, conducting raids, and seizing properties belonging to minority groups in Damascus and coastal cities. The Syrian interim government has not issued any statement regarding this matter, and it remains unclear how the proposed relocations would be implemented or whether the receiving countries have agreed to host the fighters.
Voice of Belady
4 days ago
- Politics
- Voice of Belady
Identity Amid the Rubble: Syria and Iraq Between Grand Narratives and Systematic Dismantling
By: Mohamed Saad Abdel Latif – Egypt In a moment many perceived as a turning point, Ahmad al-Sharaa appeared in civilian clothes, speaking in a pragmatic tone about Syria's future. For some, his appearance signaled the dawn of a post-Assad era—perhaps a new Syria, radically different. Yet the Iraqi experience had already taught those willing to learn: no statue falls without casting a longer shadow, and no regime collapses without leaving behind its ghosts—in the alleys of cities, at the borders of identity, and in the pulse of geography. When Saddam Hussein's statue fell in Baghdad, the scene resembled more the toppling of a tyrant than the birth of a nation. Years later, the destruction of the Assad family's monuments in Damascus echoed that image—yet with one key difference: the game's threads were far more entangled, and the geography more defiant. What has happened—and continues to happen—in Damascus and Baghdad cannot be viewed through a single lens. It's not just a tale of fallen despotism or crushed revolution; it is an entire structure that continues to reproduce itself through new tools. The killer and the victim have begun switching roles, the masks change, but the stage remains the same—operated by the same forces whose interests intersect above rivers of blood. Here, the specter of Gamal Hamdan looms—the geographer who did not read fortunes but rather the genius of place and time. When he spoke of Iraq and the Levant, he was not prophesying, but mapping out the latent fractures in the region's fabric—those inherited from geography, history, and politics. He saw signs of disintegration that needed no military coup or foreign intervention—just one tremor for the entire image to collapse. Amid sects and minorities, regions and rival powers, the internal fabric morphs into a perpetual battlefield. Sectarianism has not only been a domestic tool but has also become a foreign one. Iran, Turkey, and Israel each view Damascus as an extension of their national security—just as Baghdad was once a playground for redrawing influence maps. Sovereignty became a worn-out slogan, and the 'state' a fragile framework governed by unwritten agreements among power brokers who see human beings as mere numbers in the balance of power. In this context, the democratic slogans hoisted atop tanks—whether in Baghdad or Damascus—proved to be flimsy veils for a bitter truth: democracy cannot be crafted by armies, and freedom cannot be imposed from abroad. The fragile political entities protected by militias or regional deals possess no soul of statehood. They are mere protectorates—awaiting the next deal or war. Iraq never produced a true 'state' in the Green Zone, and post-2011 Syria only yielded new faces over the same corpse. Lebanon continues to breathe through the lungs of others, while the Golan Heights—an open wound—now witnesses wars fought in names not its own. The result? A complex scene of organized fragmentation, the collapse of statehood concepts, and a battle over identity. The 'partition of the already-partitioned,' as some have written, is no longer a deferred scenario—it is a reality administered drop by drop, under global watch and through the hands of blood-soaked proxies. The geopolitical landscape of the region—with all its historical, ethnic, and sectarian entanglements—cannot be understood through a Facebook post or a shallow reading in the cafés of the virtual world. This moment calls for a pen that grasps the depth of time and place, and eyes that see beyond the mirrors—not fleeting whims or temporary allegiances. Mohamed Saad Abdel Latif Writer and researcher in geopolitics and international conflicts Email: saadadham976@
Axios
30-06-2025
- Politics
- Axios
U.S. holding "preliminary discussions" on Israel-Syria deal
The Trump administration is holding "preliminary discussions" with Israel and Syria on a potential security agreement between the longtime enemy states, U.S. and Israeli officials tell Axios. Why it matters: While normalization isn't on the table yet, the talks could lay the groundwork for future diplomacy — starting with efforts to reduce tensions and update security arrangements along the volatile Israel-Syria border. Any breakthrough would represent a major diplomatic achievement for the Trump administration, given the decades of hostilities between Israel and Syria under the rule of the Assad family. After Islamist rebels overthrew the Assad regime last year, President Trump announced he would ease sanctions on Syria in order to give the war-torn country a "chance at greatness." Between the lines: The U.S. favors a gradual process that would slowly build trust and improve relations between Israel and Syria. But Israel is pushing for assurances that any talks will ultimately lead to a full peace agreement and normalization, a senior Israeli official told Axios. Another Israeli official cautioned that a deal is "not around the corner" and said it will take time to achieve meaningful progress. Driving the news: In early June, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told Trump's Syria envoy Tom Barrack that he was interested in negotiating a new security agreement with Syria's post-Assad government, brokered by the U.S. A senior Israeli official said Netanyahu's goal is a phased set of agreements with Syria — starting with a modernized version of the 1974 disengagement of forces accord, and ultimately culminating in a full peace deal and normalization. State of play: When former Islamist militant Ahmad al-Sharaa toppled the Assad regime in a stunning rebel offensive last December, Israel responded with waves of airstrikes that systematically destroyed what remained of Syria's air force, navy, air defense, and missile systems. Israel also took control of the buffer zone between the two countries and occupied territory inside Syria, including the Syrian side of the strategic Mount Hermon. Israeli officials now view these areas as their primary leverage in negotiations, and say Israel will only withdraw in exchange for full peace and normalization with Syria. Behind the scenes: Israel is communicating with Syria through at least four different channels — including Netanyahu's national security adviser Tzachi Hanegbi, Mossad director David Barnea, Foreign Minister Gideon Saar for political and strategic dialogue, and the Israel Defense Forces for day-to-day military coordination. But Israeli officials say they want the U.S. to take a more active mediating role, believing it would give Syria's new government a stronger incentive to engage seriously. Senior Israeli and U.S. officials said Barrack has been in contact with Syrian officials since his visit to Israel in early June to explore launching formal talks. "We are having very soft preliminary discussions. Diplomatic breakthroughs are like unwrapping an onion — we are peeling," a senior U.S. official told Axios. "President Trump and Secretary of State Rubio have been super supportive, and our teams are working well." The talks are currently limited to officials below the level of Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa, and there is no discussion yet of a leaders' summit, a U.S. official added. Two senior Israeli officials said a deal is possible, but emphasized that it will take time. "We hope to see the Trump administration pushing more assertively on this track," one Israeli official said. Friction point: One of the biggest question marks hanging over any future Israeli-Syrian peace talks is the status of the Golan Heights, which Israel captured from Syria during the 1967 war. In every previous round of negotiations over the past three decades, the Assad regime demanded a full — or nearly full — Israeli withdrawal from the territory in exchange for peace. During his first term, Trump recognized the Golan Heights as part of Israel — a move that the Biden administration did not reverse. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said Monday that Israel is open to an agreement with Syria, but insisted that the Golan Heights will remain part of Israel under any future deal. What to watch: Ron Dermer, Netanyahu's close confidant and minister for strategic affairs, is visiting Washington this week for meetings with White House officials.
Yahoo
06-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Rocket fire from Syria meets recalibrated Israeli deterrence
The massacres took place in the south, with Hamas terrorists invading from Gaza. How is October 7 connected to rockets fired from Syria? At first glance, Defense Minister Israel Katz's reaction to the firing of two rockets from Syria onto the Golan Heights on Tuesday evening seemed incongruous: 'We hold the president of Syria directly responsible for any threat and [rocket] firing toward the State of Israel, and the full response will come soon. We will not allow a return to the reality of October 7.' The first part is understandable. But the second? What October 7 reality was he referring to on the Golan? The massacres took place in the South, with Hamas terrorists invading from Gaza. How is that connected to rockets fired from Syria? Simple. Before October 7, Israel's security doctrine was one of containment, of not rocking the boat, of turning a blind eye at provocations along its borders. Hamas flies incendiary balloons into Israeli territory, setting fields alight? Let it go; it's not worth starting a war. Hezbollah provocatively pitches tents in your sovereign territory, as it did in spring 2023? Let it go; deal with it diplomatically. Don't escalate, don't endanger the tourism season in the North. That changed on October 7. One of the consequences of that day was the collapse of the assumption that small provocations can be safely ignored. Had that mindset still been in place, Israel's reaction to the two rockets from Syria that fell in open fields near Ramat Magshimim might have been: no harm, no foul. No injuries, no damage, no response. But no longer. Though Syria was the one front where Israel took forceful preemptive measures even before October 7 – mainly to stop Iran from turning it into a launchpad – Katz's message signals something broader: Israel will no longer tolerate even minor provocations from any direction. And, so, the IDF responded not only with artillery at the source of the fire near Tasil, about 12 km. from the border, but also with a wide wave of airstrikes across southern Syria. Weapons depots, linked to the new Syrian regime, were hit. The response was far more than perfunctory. And it did so even though US President Donald Trump has signaled that he wants to give Syria's new president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, a chance to stabilize his country. Even though the move risked further international opprobrium. And even though tensions were already high between Israel and Turkey – Sharaa's main patron and a country eager to leave its mark on post-Assad Syria What makes the reaction more striking is the timing. About 20 minutes after the rockets from Syria were launched, sirens sounded across central Israel, triggered by a Houthi missile launched from Yemen. That missile, too, was intercepted, but the convergence of threats from Syria and Yemen within the span of half an hour demonstrated the multi-front security reality Israel remains up against. And yet, while Israel responded swiftly to the rocket fire from Syria, there was no immediate retaliation against the Houthis for their latest launch. This contrast is striking. Over the past few months, Israel has carried out a number of forceful strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen – including hitting the main Houthi sea ports and crippling Sanaa International Airport. Still, the missile fire from Yemen continues. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has acknowledged this reality, saying publicly that the Houthis' time will also come. For now, however, Israel is choosing its timing carefully. Syria is a particularly sensitive front. The Assad regime collapsed in December 2024. Sharaa has a very checkered past, to say the least: once a senior figure in the Nusra Front, with ties to al-Qaeda and a $10 million US bounty on his head, he is now trying to rebrand himself as a moderate statesman. Trump, seeking post-Assad stability, has embraced him, even removing Syria-related sanctions. Sharaa is now scheduled to address the UN General Assembly this September, marking the first time a Syrian leader has done so in nearly 60 years. His personal story intersects with Israel's strategic concerns. Born in Riyadh to a family originally from the Golan Heights, Sharaa has a stake – both symbolic and possibly political – in that territory. His new government claims it wants calm and is trying to rein in armed groups in southern Syria: the Syrian Foreign Ministry said after Tuesday night's attack that it 'has and will not pose a threat to any party in the region.' Yet, the ministry also said it could not confirm who fired the rockets at Israel, an acknowledgment that reveals a deeper problem: a government still struggling to exert full control. Israel's response signaled to the new government, however, that it better exert control fast, or else it will pay the price for the failure to do so. Israel also made clear it holds the Syrian regime responsible for anything that comes from its territory. That's a strategic decision, and a shift from the past. It says: don't tell us you're not in control – if rockets are fired, you will pay the price. There is also a question of broader strategic messaging. By responding forcefully and quickly, Israel is also speaking to other regional actors watching closely – Hezbollah in Lebanon, Iran looking to reassert itself in Syria, and Hamas operatives attempting to regroup. The message is clear: Israeli deterrence is no longer passive or conditional. Every act of aggression, no matter how seemingly limited or small, will be met with real consequences. Katz's statement about not returning to the October 7 reality had nothing to do with geography and everything to do with mindset. The old mindset accepted provocations at the cost of avoiding escalation. The new mindset says the cost of ignoring provocations is far higher. This new doctrine has been evident in Israel's actions on the Lebanese front as well. Since the ceasefire went into effect there in November, the IDF has responded swiftly to Hezbollah violations, no longer relying on useless complaints to UNIFIL or diplomatic protests. A similar shift is now being applied in Syria. That has broader implications. Syria's new regime, despite its public moderation, cannot expect a grace period from Israel if its territory is used to launch attacks. For Sharaa, that presents a dilemma: he needs calm to consolidate power and build international legitimacy, but he does not yet have the ability to deliver that calm. Israel, meanwhile, will not wait. The airstrikes in response to the rocket fire on the Golan were a warning – and a statement of policy. Jerusalem will not allow its enemies to test its restraint. Not anymore. October 7 shattered illusions of deterrence and exposed the consequences of underestimating minor threats. In response, Israel is recalibrating. That recalibration extends everywhere. It's a new game.
Yahoo
05-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - After years of war, Syria glances westward — toward Trump
President Trump has announced the beginning of sanctions being lifted on Syria, which had been imposed during the genocidal rule of Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian people and their new leadership deserve a chance to rebuild their great nation. While the sanctions were still in place, the Syrian American Alliance for Peace and Prosperity invited us to visit post-Assad Syria at a very tenuous moment for the Syrian people. We agreed and set off on an open-minded, fact-finding mission. What we saw was daunting, but we ultimately we came away cautiously optimistic. When we arrived in Damascus, we observed grown men openly weeping and others cheering as they saw their homeland for the first time in decades. For centuries, Syria had boasted a diverse, multicultural population, until the 54-year reign of the Assad regime. Assad leveled entire villages while waging war on his political enemies, inflicting billions of dollars of damage on his own country. In this political genocide, Assad murdered close to a million of his own people — Christians, Muslims, Kurds and Druze alike, regardless of religion — all while using military aid and financial support from Russia and Iran. With Russia's invasion of Ukraine and Iranian activities being curtailed through sanctions and the degradation of their terrorist proxies, support that had been vital to Assad's reign dissipated. He was ultimately forced to flee to Russia as rebel forces advanced, although he regrettably was able to pilfer additional billions from the nation's coffers on his way out the door. During our visit, we witnessed the devastated Syrian economy, where cash is almost worthless and credit cards are not accepted. Open-air markets resort to basic barter and trade for items like clothing and necessities, which are laid out next to rubble. With no functioning gas stations, young men with large hand-held jugs stand along the road to fill vehicles for a price negotiated on the spot. Despite this, the spirit of the Syrian people is not broken. Banners reading 'Make Syria Great Again' were displayed along the roads, sending messages of hope for the first time in decades. We heard nothing but admiration for President Trump and his administration — most notably for his decision to stop the bombing of Idlib in 2019. We then met individually with Syria's new president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, well aware of his previous history as a Syrian Al-Qaeda member, though having cut ties in 2016. However, contrary to his biography, the actions al-Sharaa has taken to help the country so far have been positive. Al-Sharaa has enlisted an impressive and diverse group of Syrian advisors, some of whom had fled the country years ago to escape Assad. His Minister of Social and Labor Affairs, Hind Kabawat, is an accomplished Christian woman, and not a choice one would expect from someone with prior ties to al-Qaeda. Just as surprising, one of al-Sharaa's first acts upon taking power was to free thousands of Syrians that Assad had imprisoned and tortured. Al-Sharaa has declared a return to religious freedom, and during our visit, we witnessed a huge gathering of the Christian population for the first public celebration of Easter held in decades. In our meetings, al-Sharaa expressed a desire to work with the West. He called Israel by name and simultaneously emphasized his desire to promote peace and even possibly join the Abraham Accords. His commitment to avoid the often alluring proxy relationship with Iran is a testament to his desire to find more favorable partners. America is accustomed to being asked for funds and military support, but al-Sharaa wants Syrians defending Syria. His main request was for sanctions relief and for Syria not to be divided into regions. This is not only good for Syria, but a more stable western-leaning Syria provides a new layer of protection for America's ally to the south, Israel. He expressed the importance of having democratic elections, welcoming tourists of all faiths, and creating new trade routes, pointing to the country's strategic location and its ability to allow faster transit of products to the West. He emphasized the necessity for post-conflict Syria to have an economic partner, pointing out that Russia has already made an offer, in addition to others like China and Iran making overtures; however, al-Sharaa has not yet accepted these. His clear preference is to make the U.S. the preferential trade partner, an opportunity Syria finally has for the first time in over 50 years. Hearing al-Sharaa and the Syrian government express an interest in being a stabilizing force in the region for peace and prosperity is a moment in time we must consider carefully, and why we applaud President Trump's decision to lift the sanctions on a war-weary Syria. For accountability, we also believe al-Sharaa must be willing to accept international investigations into the treatment of Syria's religious minorities. When a new leader opens the doors to his country without restriction while still weakened from decades of dictatorial destruction, and when he promotes religious freedom while simply asking for a chance to open trade with the West, we should explore what might be possible. We believe huge investments are waiting to rebuild this great nation. With Trump at the helm, this could be a monumental moment for unexpected peace in the Middle East. Cory Mills represents the Florida's 7th Congressional District and is a member of the House Foreign Affairs and Armed Services Committees. Marlin Stutzman represents Indiana's 3rd Congressional District. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
