Latest news with #postBrexit
The Guardian
6 days ago
- Business
- The Guardian
The British-German conversation deserves more than tired old cliches. Over to you, Merz and Starmer
Look at the Germany shelf of your local British bookshop and, if one exists at all, it will almost certainly be filled with tomes about the Nazis and the two world wars. To write a book about contemporary Germany, to write anything complimentary – as I have done – is to buck the trend, even now, after all these years. And it still rankles. Many Germans still remember the infamous Mirror headline during the 1996 Euro football championships: Achtung! Surrender! Which is why today's signing of the first UK-Germany friendship treaty, with defence and military cooperation at its heart, is so important. The accord is designed to smooth out post-Brexit problems, and forms the centrepiece of Friedrich Merz's first visit to London as chancellor. The Germans will be happy that school trips to the UK will be made less tricky. Britons will be relieved that regular visitors, especially for business, may at some point be able to register for E-gate entry. From cybersecurity and digital links to green hydrogen and healthcare, both countries will seek ways of working together to improve resilience and modernise their economies. Some pledges are more concrete than others. So-called lighthouse projects, which promise to forge new links between the two nations, include a business forum, a youth summit, culture initiatives and a reannouncement of a direct train link between London and Cologne. As a first step, the symbolism matters most. The UK and Germany – perhaps the two countries most closely aligned when Britain was inside the EU – are starting out afresh in a darker world. Merz has still some way to go before completing his first 100 days in office, but he has already put his stamp on diplomacy. He has largely repaired relations with France; he has made Germany a presence again in Brussels. Most of all, he has given his country heft in European security not seen since the end of the cold war. His language on Russia is refreshingly blunt; his resolve to stand by Ukraine is hearteningly clear. He sees Keir Starmer as a key figure and has made a point of mentioning Britain whenever he can. Although Poland is also regarded as an important player, the old E3 grouping – Germany, France and the UK – is being restored. Merz, Starmer and Emmanuel Macron consult regularly on all the various flashpoints; before each of their pilgrimages to the Oval Office, they talked about the best way of dealing with Donald Trump. They still do. They all realise that Europe will have to defend itself. The new Nato commitment of 3.5% of GDP on direct military spending plus a further 1.5% on critical infrastructure is supposed to be sacrosanct. Germany has promised to hit the target by 2029; what isn't clear is how quickly the other member states will get there. The immediate task is to keep the Americans present in Europe for as long as possible, to extend the transition for as long as possible, and to coordinate as much as possible. It is here where the British can be most helpful. The strength of all these relationships will ultimately be based on day-to-day practical decision-making and not on formalities. Merz's brief foray to London was never going to match the pageantry of Macron's state visit last week, nor the fraught preparations already under way for Trump's second such extravaganza to the UK in September. It's important not to get carried away about a new era of E3 harmony. With Britain outside the EU and Starmer looking over his shoulder towards Nigel Farage at every turn, there is only so much Germany (and France) will be willing or able to do with the UK. All three leaders have an insecure hold on power as they face challenges from the hard right. Written off by some even before he started, Merz is attacked within his own party for making concessions to his coalition partners, the Social Democrats, while his government is embroiled in its first big row, over appointments to the constitutional court. Negotiations on this treaty were hamstrung both by the collapse of Olaf Scholz's administration last autumn and by a constant suspicion on the German side of British grandstanding and what they see as a reluctance to do what it really takes to reset relations with the EU as a whole. Since Brexit, indeed long before Brexit, much of the bilateral conversation has been stuck in the past. German speakers at conferences seem to feel the need, 80 years on, to make some kind of reference to Churchill, to their own perfidy and to British bravery. The British hark on about the army on the Rhine and their role in the cold war. All the while, tens of thousands of Britons have moved to Germany in recent years, working in startups, biomedicine and the creative sector. The institutions and the political discourse do not speak to their lived experience. One of the tasks of the negotiators has been to future-proof the treaty, to insulate it from sudden political or economic lurches at home and abroad. They want it to last for a generation. It is a valiant aim. But given how little Starmer and Merz are in control of events, it is almost certainly a forlorn one. John Kampfner is the author of In Search of Berlin and Why the Germans Do It Better
Bloomberg
6 days ago
- Business
- Bloomberg
Starmer and Merz Ink Treaty Locking in Cooperation on Defense
UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz signed a new treaty that includes a commitment for the two nations to assist each other in case of armed attack, part of a wider reset of post-Brexit ties. Conservative leader Merz has made clear his regret over Britain quitting the European Union and is keen to deepen German-UK cooperation. Starmer said the pact would 'bring the UK and Germany closer than ever' as they confront challenges like Donald Trump's trade onslaught and Russia's war on Ukraine.
The Guardian
6 days ago
- Business
- The Guardian
The British-German conversation deserves more than tired old cliches. Over to you, Merz and Starmer
Look at the Germany shelf of your local British bookshop and, if one exists at all, it will almost certainly be filled with tomes about the Nazis and the two world wars. To write a book about contemporary Germany, to write anything complimentary – as I have done – is to buck the trend, even now, after all these years. And it still rankles. Many Germans still remember the infamous Mirror headline during the 1996 Euro football championships: Achtung! Surrender! Which is why today's signing of the first UK-Germany friendship treaty, with defence and military cooperation at its heart, is so important. The accord is designed to smooth out post-Brexit problems, and forms the centrepiece of Friedrich Merz's first visit to London as chancellor. The Germans will be happy that school trips to the UK will be made less tricky. Britons will be relieved that regular visitors, especially for business, may at some point be able to register for E-gate entry. From cybersecurity and digital links to green hydrogen and healthcare, both countries will seek ways of working together to improve resilience and modernise their economies. Some pledges are more concrete than others. So-called lighthouse projects, which promise to forge new links between the two nations, include a business forum, a youth summit, culture initiatives and a reannouncement of a direct train link between London and Cologne. As a first step, the symbolism matters most. The UK and Germany – perhaps the two countries most closely aligned when Britain was inside the EU – are starting out afresh in a darker world. Merz has still some way to go before completing his first 100 days in office, but he has already put his stamp on diplomacy. He has largely repaired relations with France; he has made Germany a presence again in Brussels. Most of all, he has given his country heft in European security not seen since the end of the cold war. His language on Russia is refreshingly blunt; his resolve to stand by Ukraine is hearteningly clear. He sees Keir Starmer as a key figure and has made a point of mentioning Britain whenever he can. Although Poland is also regarded as an important player, the old E3 grouping – Germany, France and the UK – is being restored. Merz, Starmer and Emmanuel Macron consult regularly on all the various flashpoints; before each of their pilgrimages to the Oval Office, they talked about the best way of dealing with Donald Trump. They still do. They all realise that Europe will have to defend itself. The new Nato commitment of 3.5% of GDP on direct military spending plus a further 1.5% on critical infrastructure is supposed to be sacrosanct. Germany has promised to hit the target by 2029; what isn't clear is how quickly the other member states will get there. The immediate task is to keep the Americans present in Europe for as long as possible, to extend the transition for as long as possible, and to coordinate as much as possible. It is here where the British can be most helpful. The strength of all these relationships will ultimately be based on day-to-day practical decision-making and not on formalities. Merz's brief foray to London was never going to match the pageantry of Macron's state visit last week, nor the fraught preparations already under way for Trump's second such extravaganza to the UK in September. It's important not to get carried away about a new era of E3 harmony. With Britain outside the EU and Starmer looking over his shoulder towards Nigel Farage at every turn, there is only so much Germany (and France) will be willing or able to do with the UK. All three leaders have an insecure hold on power as they face challenges from the hard right. Written off by some even before he started, Merz is attacked within his own party for making concessions to his coalition partners, the Social Democrats, while his government is embroiled in its first big row, over appointments to the constitutional court. Negotiations on this treaty were hamstrung both by the collapse of Olaf Scholz's administration last autumn and by a constant suspicion on the German side of British grandstandingand what they see as a reluctance to do what it really takes to reset relations with the EU as a whole. Since Brexit, indeed long before Brexit, much of the bilateral conversation has been stuck in the past. German speakers at conferences seem to feel the need, 80 years on, to make some kind of reference to Churchill, to their own perfidy and to British bravery. The British hark on about the army on the Rhine and their role in the cold war. All the while, tens of thousands of Britons have moved to Germany in recent years, working in startups, biomedicine and the creative sector. The institutions and the political discourse do not speak to their lived experience. One of the tasks of the negotiators has been to future-proof the treaty, to insulate it from sudden political or economic lurches at home and abroad. They want it to last for a generation. It is a valiant aim. But given how little Starmer and Merz are in control of events, it is almost certainly a forlorn one. John Kampfner is the author of In Search of Berlin and Why the Germans Do It Better
Telegraph
04-07-2025
- Business
- Telegraph
The Daily T: Jeremy Hunt on the case for a free-trade Britain
In the aftermath of Donald Trump's protectionist trade tariffs, how does a post-Brexit UK capitalise on its free trade opportunities? Is it time to reconsider what our tradeable goods really are? And should we be embracing globalisation as the best route forward? Jeremy Hunt puts his argument before Dan Hannan, founding president of the Institute for Free Trade, and David Henig, director of the UK Trade Policy Project at the European Centre for International Political Economy. Hunt argues that even Sir Keir Starmer has realised Britain must make more of its post-Brexit opportunities; opportunities that have been limited, he thinks, by uncooperative partners across the channel, particularly in France. David Henig agrees with the former chancellor, describing them as 'blockers'. Hunt also issues a staunch defence of those, like him, who are all too readily dismissed as 'globalists'. He says globalisation and free trade has in fact been an 'engine for prosperity', but the failure has been in spreading those benefits evenly. On this, he says that Donald Trump's tariff plan shows he has learned 'completely the wrong lesson about what's gone wrong with globalisation'. In this special Daily T series inspired by his new book, Jeremy Hunt pitches his optimism and ideas to leading experts on how the UK can change the world for the better. From mass migration to leading the AI revolution, we ask: can we be great again? Watch episodes of the Daily T here. You can also listen on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
Irish Times
18-06-2025
- Business
- Irish Times
Windsor deal an opaque mess, says Democratic Unionist Party leader
The rules governing the operation of the Windsor Framework are 'ineffective, opaque and overly bureaucratic' and give Northern Ireland's politicians little opportunity to influence decisions, Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader Gavin Robinson has said. Speaking to the House of Lords Northern Ireland scrutiny committee in Westminster, the DUP leader was scathing of the agreement reached between the European Union and the United Kingdom in February 2023. It amended the previously agreed Northern Ireland Protocol and governs post-Brexit trading rules, though unionists complain bitterly that many British companies will no longer sell products to Northern Ireland customers because of the extra rules. Speaking of an announcement expected on Thursday about the availability of veterinary medicines in Northern Ireland, Mr Robinson said the current strategy being followed by the British government made little sense. READ MORE British prime minister Keir Starmer has already made clear he will keep rules governing food and animal security in line with European Union rules, which should mean no extra curbs on the drugs available to Northern farmers. 'We know what the direction of travel will be, even if we do not like it,' said Mr Robinson, yet London's actions will ensure that some drugs will not be sold in Northern Ireland for a year, or more, even though they meet all safety standards. Telling peers that he does not 'have a lot of faith' in the Windsor deal, Mr Robinson said it frustrates 'the ability for ordinary, routine and at times complex and serious engagement to either satisfy, resolve or ameliorate' some of its harmful effects. It could not ever be effective until the imposition of European Union rules 'without the consent of any elected unionist in Northern Ireland, without the consent of party colleagues in Westminster' was resolved, he went on. The House of Lords committee, chaired by the cross-bench peer Lord Carlile, has been holding a series of hearings to investigate in detail the operation of the framework agreement. Meanwhile, an independent report on the operation of the Windsor deal from the former Labour Northern Ireland Secretary of State Paul Murphy, which was started following a Stormont Assembly vote in January, is set to finish shortly, the meeting heard. Lord Murphy has been tasked with examining the effect it has had on social, economic and political life in Northern Ireland, and on the United Kingdom's internal market, and to make recommendations. While paying a personal tribute to the former Labour secretary of state, the DUP leader, however, questioned his independence, saying he is required to advance only ideas that have cross-community backing in Stormont. However, the SDLP's Stormont leader of the Opposition, Matt O'Toole, questioned the value of some of the measures that were taken to coax the DUP back into Stormont government last year. One of them, the East-West Council, designed to improve connections between different parts of the UK, could not be put at the same rank as the institutions created under the Belfast Agreement, he said.
