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'Russian trace' suspected in Armenian clergy: Another priest faces criminal charges
'Russian trace' suspected in Armenian clergy: Another priest faces criminal charges

JAMnews

time20 hours ago

  • Politics
  • JAMnews

'Russian trace' suspected in Armenian clergy: Another priest faces criminal charges

Criminal charges against archbishop Adjapahyan Armenia has launched yet another criminal case against a high-ranking clergyman — Archbishop Mikael Adjapahyan, head of the Shirak Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The development comes amid the foiling of an alleged coup attempt in Armenia and the subsequent arrest of Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, head of the Tavush Diocese. The case against Adjapahyan concerns 'public calls for the seizure of power and the violent overthrow of the constitutional order.' Last week, Russian-Armenian businessman Samvel Karapetyan was arrested under the same charge. Archbishop Adjapahyan has dismissed the charges as fabricated and unlawful, yet he stands by his statements. 'I will continue in the same spirit,' he declared. For several hours, law enforcement officers attempted to detain the head of the Shirak Diocese, but were blocked by supporters gathered at the residence of the Catholicos of All Armenians in the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin. The officers ultimately left without making an arrest. 'The National Security Service and the police of the Republic of Armenia, guided by security concerns and seeking to avoid a deliberate escalation, decided to leave the grounds of the Mother See,' a statement from the NSS explained. Meanwhile, the Catholicosate stated that the clergyman had not been properly notified of the requirement to appear before the Investigative Committee. They stressed that he was not attempting to evade the summons and attributed his absence to the crowd at the residence, which had prevented him from following the officers to their vehicle. Some time later, Archbishop Adjapahyan began walking to Yerevan on foot, accompanied along the way by a group of loyal parishioners. At the time of publication, they had not yet reached their destination. Political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan described the events as theatrical. 'They are trying to turn the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin into a shield to protect themselves from legitimate prosecution,' he told JAMnews. Call for violent overthrow of power According to lawyer Ara Zograbyan, the criminal case was initiated on the basis of an interview the clergyman gave on 3 February 2024. In the interview, the archbishop spoke of the need for a military coup to overthrow the government. He went further, stating that he had discussed the matter with former presidents Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharyan. 'I said, Mr President Kocharyan, you were President of Armenia for ten years, and of Karabakh for just as long. Is there really not a single general — in the army, the police, or the NSS — who supports you, shares your ideology, and would stand with you to carry out a coup?' he said during the interview. Public debate has since turned to the question of why the investigation is only being launched a year and a half after this statement. Law enforcement searched for Adjapahyan in Gyumri, found him in Etchmiadzin Law enforcement officers initially went to detain the archbishop in Gyumri, where the Shirak Diocese is based. A search was conducted on site, and some materials were confiscated. However, Adjapahyan was not there. It was later established that the head of the diocese had travelled to the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin. The clergy claimed he had come from Gyumri to hold a meeting. Representatives of Armenia's ruling party believe the archbishop was deliberately brought to the country's spiritual centre to dramatise the situation. They say this was done to provoke public reaction and encourage crowds to block his detention. 'Help, the security forces have come to the Mother See,' Vice Speaker of Parliament Ruben Rubinyan said, describing the alleged move. At midday, officers from the National Security Service arrived in Etchmiadzin. Tensions rose as soon as they appeared near the Patriarchate. A scuffle broke out between members of the clergy and security personnel. Shortly after, the head of the Shirak Diocese appeared with the Catholicos of All Armenians and said he would go with the NSS officers. 'What is happening is absolutely unlawful. But I have never gone into hiding and I'm not going to now. I don't want to give the impression that I'm hiding behind my brothers' backs,' he said. He added that he posed no threat to the country. 'The real threat sits in the government building,' he said, referring to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. Supporters prevented Adjapahyan from travelling to Investigative Committee, escorted him on foot instead Although the archbishop agreed to travel to Yerevan with law enforcement, a scuffle broke out at the scene. Worshippers in Etchmiadzin blocked the cathedral's entrances and exits, preventing security forces from taking the clergyman. Adjapahyan's attempts to enter the NSS vehicle were unsuccessful Clergy members told journalists that Adjapahyan intended to report to the authorities voluntarily, but 'proud and faithful citizens' prevented him. 'No one is trying to evade an uncommitted crime,' said Archbishop Nathan Hovhannisya Expert commentary Political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan believes this is the right moment to respond to Adjapahyan's statements — not a year and a half later. He sees it as no coincidence that the criminal case was launched alongside the exposure of a coup plot in Armenia. 'As of February last year, one could have dismissed it as the irresponsible talk of an individual. But now we have material evidence showing that these statements were not merely words thrown into the air, but part of an organised network aiming to bring them to life.' The analyst asserts that the actions of the Armenian clergy show not only Russian involvement but also direct oversight and coordination: 'This is evidenced by the reaction of the Russian Orthodox Church to the arrest of Russian businessman Samvel Karapetyan. It's also shown by the fact that Karapetyan led the creation of the 'ArBat' battalion, and the Catholicos's brother gave his blessing to this 'ArBat', and so on.' ArBat is a Russian special forces battalion made up of ethnic Armenians, mostly Russian citizens. Members of the group that allegedly planned to stage a coup in Armenia were trained there. Last year, Armenia's Investigative Committee announced the dismantling of the criminal group. Returning to the case against Archbishop Mikael Adjapahyan, Mehrabyan stresses: 'The state must see it through and give a criminal-legal assessment of violent acts, coup attempts, and all statements or appeals that call into question Armenia's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. Everyone is equal before the law, regardless of rank or religious office. That is the essence of the rule of law. And the state is obliged to defend and uphold that principle.' He argues that, in parallel with law enforcement efforts, the authorities must also ensure 'strategic communication with society.' According to him, this is the only effective way to counter hybrid attacks on the country. The analyst notes that Armenia is not the only state targeted by such tactics from Russia. He cites Moldova as another example: 'Strikingly, Russia uses the same tools, the same crude methods, only adjusting them to local specifics. We see the same in Moldova: Moldovan oligarchs, clergy, mercenaries, dirty money.'

Georgian opposition figure arrested after testifying at Hague tribunal on 2008 war
Georgian opposition figure arrested after testifying at Hague tribunal on 2008 war

JAMnews

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • JAMnews

Georgian opposition figure arrested after testifying at Hague tribunal on 2008 war

Opposition arrests continue in Georgia Opposition figure and former chair of the parliamentary committee on defence and security (2008–2012), Givi Targamadze, has been sentenced to seven months in prison and barred from holding public office for two years for failing to appear before a parliamentary investigative commission. The commission was set up to examine the actions of the Saakashvili administration between 2003 and 2012. On 5 February 2025, the Georgian Dream-led parliament established an investigative commission to examine the activities of the United National Movement government. The body is officially titled the 'Temporary Parliamentary Investigative Commission on the Activities of the Regime and Political Figures of the 2003–2012 Period.' Georgian Dream announced the commission's formation on 9 January 2025. According to the party's parliamentary leader, Mamuka Mdinaradze, the commission will operate for six months and present its findings for discussion and approval during the first week of the September session. Givi Targamadze was a witness at The Hague tribunal in the case concerning the 2008 war. Russian President Vladimir Putin had called for his arrest as early as 2012. At Russia's request, Interpol issued a 'red notice' for Targamadze in 2013 — a call for global law enforcement agencies to locate and provisionally detain him pending extradition or similar legal action. However, Interpol later ruled that the notice violated its own statutes and removed Targamadze from the wanted list. Nevertheless, he remains wanted by Russia on charges of inciting unrest and organising terrorism. In addition, Targamadze was sentenced in absentia by Belarusian authorities to 25 years in prison for his support of the Belarusian democratic opposition. Targamadze was summoned to appear before the parliamentary investigative commission examining the actions of the Saakashvili government. According to the former MP, it is ironic that Georgian Dream and then-Justice Minister Tea Tsulukiani — now head of the parliamentary commission investigating the Saakashvili government — claimed the Hague tribunal's ruling on the 2008 war as their victory, when it was Targamadze himself who provided key testimony at the tribunal. 'I was a witness in the Hague tribunal's case on the 2008 war. Based on my personal testimony, five arrest warrants were issued — for General Borisov, for then–prime minister and later interior minister of the so-called South Ossetia, Chochiev, who was Russian and personally oversaw a detention centre where many Georgian citizens were tortured, and also for the so-called ombudsman, who was part of the same system. I currently hold witness status at the Hague tribunal. I never spoke about this before — I tried to maintain a certain decorum and preserve some relationships. But now that the Georgian Dream government has strayed so far from the civilised world, there's no point in staying silent. The irony is that Tsulukiani, then Justice Minister, declared the Hague ruling a victory for herself and the Georgian Dream government — and then summoned me to her commission, where she shouted that I should be arrested,' Targamadze said. When asked whether the Georgian Dream parliamentary commission would seek to challenge the Hague tribunal's findings, Targamadze replied: 'We've seen the questioning of the former chief of general staff and the head of the peacekeeping forces — and we've seen the tone. It was a continuous attempt to blame the Georgian side. Yet both Strasbourg and The Hague conducted investigations and delivered rulings which found no fault with Georgia for any part of the war. Still, this parliamentary commission is trying to dispute that.' Asked whether he feared for his safety after publicly stating he had testified in The Hague, the former MP responded: 'I understand that this might put me in greater danger — but that doesn't matter. […] Putin once spent four minutes at a press conference talking about me. If he really wants me dead, he'll kill me eventually. I'm alive by chance — what else would be protecting me? So, it is what it is. I took this step consciously.' Реакция Запада на приговор Таргамадзе Chair of the Estonian Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee, Marko Mihkelson, reacted to the sentencing of Givi Targamadze on social media platform X: 'Russia is carrying out a massive offensive inside Georgia, with the support of a Georgian puppet government.' Russia is carrying out a massive offensive inside Georgia, with the support of a Georgian puppet government. — Marko Mihkelson 🇪🇪🇺🇦 (@markomihkelson) June 27, 2025 On 24 June, the court found Giorgi Vashadze, leader of the Strategy Aghmashenebeli party, guilty of failing to appear before the parliamentary investigative commission examining the actions of the Saakashvili government from 2003 to 2012. He was sentenced to seven months in prison and banned from holding public office for two years. On 23 June 2025, a court controlled by Georgian Dream sentenced three opposition leaders to prison: Mamuka Khazaradze (Lelo), Badri Japaridze (Strong Georgia), and Zurab Japaridze (Coalition for Change). Nika Melia, Zurab Japaridze, and Nika Gvaramia (Coalition for Change), along with former Defence Minister Irakli Okruashvili, are already serving prison sentences for failing to appear before the same parliamentary commission.

Opinion: Georgian Dream shifted from authoritarianism to dictatorship
Opinion: Georgian Dream shifted from authoritarianism to dictatorship

JAMnews

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • JAMnews

Opinion: Georgian Dream shifted from authoritarianism to dictatorship

Opinion on Georgian Dream Giorgi Badridze, a researcher at the Randel Foundation, argues that the ruling Georgian Dream party has moved from authoritarianism to dictatorship. In his view, the imprisonment of political opponents and the suppression of dissent are hallmark features of a dictatorial regime. Badridze also questioned whether Bidzina Ivanishvili's actions could truly be independent from coordination with Russian oligarchic and political circles. He warned that Georgia is losing international legitimacy — a development that plays into Russia's plan to render the country fully dependent on Moscow. Giorgi Badridze: 'Until now, Bidzina Ivanishvili's government was described as authoritarian. Today, without exaggeration, we can call it a dictatorship. We are witnessing a situation where political opponents are being arrested en masse and all dissent is being suppressed. There is no more textbook definition of a dictatorship than what we are seeing now. No matter how much we say that Russia and Georgia merely share overlapping interests, I find it hard to believe that there isn't also direct coordination. Ivanishvili has well-known ties to Russian oligarchic and political circles — there is no doubt about that. Georgia is undergoing a process of 'Belarusisation', where anti-democratic actions undermine the regime's legitimacy, making it increasingly dependent on Russia. While in the past it could manoeuvre between Russia and the West, today it is forced to side with Russia in international disputes.' I don't believe a long-term, stable dictatorship can be established in Georgia — but at this stage, the actions taken by Ivanishvili's regime fully align with Russia's plan. We are already in a situation where Georgia is losing its international legitimacy because of its government. This directly serves Russia's goal of making Georgia entirely dependent on it. Figures within the Georgian regime are crossing political red lines at such speed that I cannot rule out the possibility that Salome Zurabishvili will also become a target — despite her being a French citizen. Mikheil Saakashvili is a Ukrainian citizen, and he is in prison. One of the opposition's biggest problems is its inability to stick together. Someone even joked: 'They didn't want to be together — but they ended up sitting together.' I wouldn't rule out that these repressions could reach Salome Zurabishvili as well. Whatever her role may have been in the previous political phase, the fact that today's parliamentary elections are no longer recognised by the West is, in part, down to Salome Zurabishvili.' Opinion on Georgian Dream

Georgia declines to back tribunal on Russian aggression against Ukraine
Georgia declines to back tribunal on Russian aggression against Ukraine

JAMnews

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • JAMnews

Georgia declines to back tribunal on Russian aggression against Ukraine

Georgia refuses to back tribunal against Russia On 24 June, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, comprising representatives from 46 member states, authorised the Secretary General to sign an agreement establishing a special tribunal on Russian aggression against Ukraine. Georgia did not support the tribunal's creation. In addition to Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan abstained, while Hungary, Turkey, and Serbia voted against. On 25 June, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Council of Europe Secretary General Alain Berset signed an agreement establishing a special tribunal for Russian aggression against Ukraine, and approved its statute. The campaign to create a special tribunal to investigate crimes of aggression against Ukraine was launched by Ukrainian legal experts and government officials shortly after the full-scale war began. The idea was inspired by an article by renowned international lawyer and professor Philippe Sands titled 'Putin's Use of Force Is a Crime of Aggression.' During a debate in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), Ukrainian MP Oleksiy Honcharenko reacted to Georgia's position on the tribunal: 'A truly historic moment — the establishment of a tribunal against Russian aggression. But do you know what? Six member states didn't sign the agreement. And one of them is Georgia. Georgia itself is a victim of Russian aggression. 20% of Georgian territory is occupied by Russia — nearly the same as in Ukraine. Georgia became a victim of the Moscow regime before us, and yet now refuses to support a tribunal against Russian aggression. Can you imagine that? So the question is: who does the Georgian government really work for? Who are their masters?' Tina Bokuchava, chair of the United National Movement party, also commented on her meeting with the PACE President: 'During the meeting with the President, a shocking fact was raised — that a representative of Georgian Dream did not participate in the vote on establishing a special tribunal for Russian aggression against Ukraine. <…> This is yet more proof of Ivanishvili's regime being in alliance with Putin.' Georgian Dream's response When asked by Netgazeti why Georgia did not sign the agreement to create the tribunal, Georgian Dream's First Deputy Speaker of Parliament Giorgi Volski replied: 'You are an occupied country, missile systems are aimed at you. That's one important factor. Second — no one yet knows how things will develop, including with regard to Ukraine. And third — which everyone forgets — Georgia, along with a number of European countries, appealed to the Hague tribunal asking to accelerate this investigation. What more can a country do that lives under daily threat and continues to survive and develop at gunpoint? Saboteurs are attacking the country through the media and hanging on every word of some fool like Honcharenko. You're all Honcharenkos. What tribunal are we talking about? What can Honcharenko or anyone else do? Ukraine is drowning in blood. Georgia knows its own path and policy. There is no pro-Russian policy in this country. Georgia has signed more than 600 principled resolutions and statements in support of Ukraine. And yet they're all ungrateful people — Honcharenko included.'

Azerbaijan warns against children attending religious ceremonies, sparking rights concerns
Azerbaijan warns against children attending religious ceremonies, sparking rights concerns

JAMnews

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • JAMnews

Azerbaijan warns against children attending religious ceremonies, sparking rights concerns

Children and religious rituals in Azerbaijan Azerbaijan's Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Committee for Work with Religious Organisations have issued a joint warning, stating that some parents are bringing underage children to religious ceremonies — particularly memorial gatherings — and stressed that children's physical and psychological safety must be taken into account in such situations. In the official statement, parents are urged to consider that participation in such mass ceremonies is 'inadvisable' and are called on to show particular sensitivity in cases that may contradict the law. However, the statement has raised questions in the context of human rights, freedom of religion, and children's rights. JAMnews has analysed the situation from multiple perspectives. Legal expert: 'The limits of the ban are unclear' Khalid Bagirov | photo: RFE/RL Lawyer Khalid Bagirov argues that vague and abstract wording in government restrictions creates legal uncertainty and opens the door to abuse. In a comment to JAMnews, he stated: 'If a parent of Shia faith wants to bring their child to an Ashura ceremony, that is their right. The state must clearly define what exactly is being prohibited: mourning rituals, self-flagellation, chest-beating? Or merely presence? Such legal ambiguity is unacceptable.' Bagirov also refers to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, emphasising that raising children in accordance with parents' religious beliefs is a fundamental right. In his view, the government's approach is part of a broader, systemic policy of restricting the rights of the Shia community in Azerbaijan. He points to Ashura processions in regions like Lankaran, which raise concern among the authorities — but, he argues, at the heart of that concern lies the issue of freedom of peaceful assembly. 'Under the pretext of regulating religious rituals, the state is attempting to limit the freedom of assembly and public processions.' Bagirov adds that if such vague and restrictive measures continue, increased police control near mosques and bans on minors entering with their parents could soon follow. Believer: 'This is a continuation of the hostile attitude toward the Shia community' Alemdar Bunyatov | photo: Meydan TV Alemdar Bunyatov, representative of the Muslim Unity Movement in Europe, views the issue in a broader context. Speaking to JAMnews, he said the policy reflects a systemic and hostile attitude by the Azerbaijani authorities toward the Shia community: 'This is not just about religious ceremonies. It's part of a long-standing hostile policy toward people who identify as Shia. Now, under the pretext of protecting children, they are targeting the religious rights of families.' Bunyatov also stressed that such an approach is rooted in double standards. He questioned: 'What exactly is so concerning about a child being present at a mourning ceremony alongside adults that it warrants a ban? These people are part of society too — how can participation in such rituals possibly harm a child's upbringing?' Militarist propaganda in schools In Azerbaijan, there is a growing practice of introducing military-themed propaganda in schools from an early age. Officially promoted patriotic campaigns centre on the cult of martyrdom, alongside events and lesson formats that emphasise military symbolism. The authorities offer no critical commentary on these activities — on the contrary, such rhetoric is presented as a model of patriotism. This highlights the selective nature of official warnings regarding religious rituals: on one hand, state-approved and even state-promoted militarist and emotional narratives; on the other, administrative warnings against personal religious practices. Social worker: 'The state should keep equal distance from both religious and military rhetoric' Sanubar Heydarova | photo: personal archive Social worker Sanubar Heydarova approaches the issue from the perspective of child psychology. In an interview with JAMnews, she emphasised that to understand the authorities' concerns about children attending religious ceremonies, one must also consider parallel practices: 'From an early age, children in Azerbaijani schools are exposed to military rhetoric filled with images of blood, martyrdom, war, people crushed by tanks. This can be psychologically damaging. Yet the state presents it as patriotism and sees no threat in it.' Heydarova believes that if the government truly wants to protect children from harmful influences, its approach should be comprehensive and balanced, not selective. She proposes an alternative model for cultivating civic values: 'Children should be taught that loving your country means not littering, volunteering, caring for public property. Patriotism cannot be measured only through war.' In her view, schools should offer neutral, objective religion classes, where children receive information about different faiths. This, she argues, helps develop an informed and healthy capacity to make decisions about religious participation.

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