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Bangkok Post
4 days ago
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Actions speak louder than words
Actions speak louder than words The ruling Pheu Thai Party and the main opposition People's Party (PP) have found themselves idle targets of critics for singing the same tune in the aftermath of the June 28 mass rally in central Bangkok. Both were accused of throwing caution to the wind after suggesting the rally at the Victory Monument -- which sought suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra's resignation over her leaked phone conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen -- could spark a military revolt. In what Ms Paetongtarn described as a private conversation, she was heard pleading with Hun Sen to help her out as she was under immense public pressure for appearing to cave in to Cambodia in the intensifying border conflict. The premier came across as being subservient to the Cambodian strongman and went so far as to offer to do what she could in return for Hun Sen's help. The manner and substance of the phone call triggered public uproar, with Ms Paetongtarn being branded by opponents as unpatriotic and a traitor. Collective anger drove tens of thousands to flock to the Victory Monument, one of the city's busiest transit interchanges, in a mass demonstration organised by the so-called United Power of the Land to Protect Sovereignty group on June 28. Rally speakers, several of whom were well-known co-leaders of past mass protests under banners such as the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC), took turns attacking Ms Paetongtarn's ineptitude and inadequacy as premier. The next day, Pheu Thai and PP politicians separately chastised some protest leaders for speaking agreeably about a military coup being staged in the event of political deadlock. Opposition and PP leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut expressed concern about the rally, fearing the protests could be used as a pretext for a coup. Mr Natthaphong said he believed the demonstrators were acting in good faith, driven by a desire to see a change of prime minister. He went on to say that there were various legitimate ways to bring about such change, including the prime minister's resignation, impeachment through parliamentary procedures, or the prime minister dissolving the House and calling an election. However, he also noted the risk of change occurring through undemocratic means, such as a coup d'état. "Even if the protesters are acting sincerely, it is concerning that certain protest leaders may exploit the situation to advocate for extra-constitutional measures. "Many of the current protest leaders are familiar faces who have previously opposed elected governments and played roles in past coups," the PP leader said. He pointed out that although no direct call for a coup was made from the protest stage, the speakers also failed to explicitly reject the possibility. The opposition leader is believed to have referred specifically to one speaker, Sondhi Limthongkul, who is a former leader of the now-defunct PAD. "Some rhetoric leaves the door open to the idea -- suggesting that if a coup were to occur, they would simply prefer that the new prime minister not be from the military. That ambiguity raises red flags," he said. However, Mr Natthaphong's comments were immediately shot down by Somchai Srisutthiyakorn, a former election commissioner, in a critical post on his Facebook page "Pun Pai Nai – Somchai Srisutthiyakorn". He warned that while political actors publicly denounce coups, they themselves must also actively engage in democratic processes to resolve national issues, instead of allowing protests to spiral into movements that invite military intervention. "The [June 28] protest ignited like a wildfire," Mr Somchai wrote, "and it's been condemned by both Pheu Thai and the PP as a veiled invitation for a coup, particularly following remarks made by Mr Sondhi on stage." Mr Somchai praised the public's stance against coups, pointing out that the nine years following the last one proved that military intervention failed to take care of the country's issues. However, the former poll commissioner hit out at parties that denounce coups while neglecting to take real action through democratic means. Back in March, the opposition parties filed a no-confidence motion against the premier for dishonesty over tax evasion allegations involving PN (promissory notes) worth more than 200 million baht, allegedly used within her family without a repayment date or interest. Despite losing the no-confidence vote, Mr Somchai noted, the opposition (specifically, the PP) failed to follow up by petitioning the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) or the Constitutional Court to assess Ms Paetongtarn's eligibility to hold office. Also, following the leaked audio clip with Hun Sen -- where she referred to the 2nd Army Region commander in charge of the Thai-Cambodian border as an "opponent" -- Mr Somchai said the proper response would have been for Ms Paetongtarn to resign. Yet, she remained in office, he added. Following Bhumjaithai's withdrawal from the coalition, criticism mounted over Ms Paetongtarn's conduct during the cabinet reshuffle process. Despite this, the coalition parties chose not to withdraw from the government. When Bhumjaithai, which is now in the opposition, attempted to initiate a fresh no-confidence motion, it failed because it did not have the 99 MP signatures required to do so. Mr Somchai faulted the PP for not supporting the motion, citing their excuse that such motions shouldn't be filed too frequently. "If you don't want people to take to the streets and risk inviting a coup, political actors must show true commitment to democratic solutions rather than rely on empty slogans or collusion. "You can't just repeat the same lines about dissolving parliament or do you want people to believe in the existence of the 'Hong Kong Declaration'," Mr Somchai said. The "Hong Kong Declaration" has to do with alleged political deals or secret meetings that supposedly took place in Hong Kong involving former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who is thought to wield tremendous power in Pheu Thai, and political figures reportedly including Progressive Movement leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, founder of the Future Forward Party, a precursor of the PP. The meetings are believed to have shaped the formation of the current government, according to sources. A battle for survival Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra has been making increasingly frequent media appearances, with the most notable being "Unlocking Thailand's Future", hosted by veteran news commentator Veera Teerapat. Veera confronted Thaksin with a question about the "secret deal" widely believed to have enabled him to return to Thailand after 17 years of self-imposed exile. The question appeared to touch a raw nerve, with Thaksin appearing stunned for a moment before replying that there was "no political deal whatsoever with anyone". Thaksin, generally considered the de facto leader of the ruling Pheu Thai Party, returned from self-imposed exile on Aug 22, 2023. That same day, the Supreme Court sentenced him to eight years in prison -- three years in total from two cases and a further five years in a third case. The sentence was later reduced to one year following royal clemency. Thaksin has been actively engaged in politics after his one-year jail term ended. Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University, said Thaksin spoke as truthfully as he could in the interview with Veera except over the secret deal, which, according to several observers, will remain a myth. Thaksin's message, despite being cornered by the host, is that a future alliance between Pheu Thai and Bhumjaithai looks increasingly unlikely, even after the next general election, said Mr Olarn. Following Bhumjaithai's exit from the Pheu Thai-led coalition, the political rivalry between the two parties will intensify with both sides trying to present themselves as a strong force to challenge the progressive People's Party (PP). According to Mr Olarn, Thaksin sees himself as indispensable to Thai politics and is signalling that both he and Pheu Thai are better suited to working with the conservative camp than Bhumjaithai. Bhuimjaithai currently faces legal troubles relating to alleged vote-rigging in the Senate polls, and the party could be dissolved if found guilty. For this reason, the conservative bloc had better stick with Pheu Thai as it has already proven it can work without Bhumjaithai, dubbed the "blue" party, according to the analyst. The blue party is under intense pressure as several senior members have been implicated in the Senate election scandal. More than 100 senators are suspected of having ties with Bhumjaithai and are called the blue faction within the Upper House. According to Election Commission (EC) chairman Ittiporn Boonpracong, a subcommittee has completed a probe and submitted its findings to the EC for review, with the EC secretary general to provide opinions to the EC. The review process takes 60 days before it is deliberated by a subcommittee on disputes and arguments, which can take up to 90 days. A final decision by the EC could take as long as nine months. However, Thaksin and his daughter, suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, have their own legal troubles to overcome. Thaksin has two cases: one involves his prolonged stay at the Police General Hospital (PGH) until his parole, in what is seen as a ruse to avoid serving prison time, and the other is a lese majeste case for remarks he made during a 2015 interview with South Korean media while in self-imposed exile. The PGH case is under review by the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions, while the lese majeste case is scheduled for a ruling on Aug 22, the second anniversary of his return. Ms Paetongtarn, meanwhile, faces a Constitutional Court decision related to the leaked conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen, which could determine whether she has violated political ethics. A ruling is expected by mid-August. The fate of both father and daughter will be known by the end of August at the latest, according to observers. Mr Olarn said both Pheu Thai and Bhumjaithai are competing fiercely for the support of the conservative bloc, and they believe they are in a better position to serve conservative interests. Pheu Thai is aggressively pushing for Bhumjaithai's dissolution, hoping to welcome many of its MPs to boost its chances in an election. However, the future looks grim, especially for Ms Paetongtarn, even if she resigns before the Constitutional Court rules on the leaked phone call case. Legal experts believe she still faces the strong possibility of an extended, if not a lifetime, political ban stemming from several criminal complaints currently lodged with the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) and the Criminal Court. These include cases involving illegal land encroachment in Khao Yai, irregularities related to the Alpine golf course, and the questionable use of promissory notes for share transfers. Any of these could result in a five-year to 10-year, or even lifetime ban from politics. Should Thaksin be sent back to prison and Ms Paetongtarn be banned from politics, Pheu Thai could collapse entirely. In such a scenario, many of its MPs could defect to Bhumjaithai since both parties rely on political family networks for support, according to Mr Olarn. "All of this now rests in the hands of the conservative bloc. It depends on which party they choose to trust more -- Pheu Thai or Bhumjaithai," Mr Olarn said.
The Wire
17-07-2025
- Business
- The Wire
'NITI Aayog No Substitute,' Says Ex-Bureaucrat as Govt Moves 9 Flagship Schemes Out of Usual Appraisal System
'By doing away with such an appraisal process, and bringing in NITI Aayog, the government is blocking doors to a professional socio-economic appraisal of schemes – something that is essential.' An illustration on the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission's official site. New Delhi: Ayushman Bharat, Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, and PM Kisan, are among nine of the Narendra Modi government's flagship schemes that the government has decided to keep outside the ambit of the ongoing appraisal process for central sector programmes, Economic Times has reported. Speaking to The Wire, a former secretary in the finance department has called this a move by the government to block doors to a professional socio-economic appraisal of schemes. The report says that in a letter dated July 4, the Department of Expenditure asked the respective ministries and departments to exclude the schemes from the standard appraisal process. This exclusion will remain in place for the next five years, starting April 1, 2026, the report said. These schemes, the letter said, will be evaluated and appraised in detail by the planning think-tank NITI Aayog's Development Monitoring and Evaluation Office. An unnamed senior official quoted by ET noted that this is because some of these schemes will need "some structural changes." "Niti Aayog has been tasked to do the detailed exercise so there is no duplicity of efforts,' the official told ET. The full list of the schemes are: Ayushman Bharat, Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, PM Kisan, Ujjwala Yojana, PM Jan Dhan Yojana, PM Stand Up India, PM Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana, PM Suraksha Bima Yojana, and a scheme under the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade to refund central GST and integrated GST to industrial units in northeastern and Himalayan states. In addition, schemes related to the Department of Space and the Department of Atomic Energy and the National e-Vidhan scheme are also outside the ambit of the appraisal process. A former secretary in the finance department told The Wire that the NITI Aayog is no substitute for an established system of appraisal. The former bureaucrat said that the established practice is that a Public Investment Board (PIB) headed by the expenditure secretary appraises all new schemes that involve large investments. The erstwhile Planning Commission – under the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance government – used to have a Project Appraisal Division (PAD) that had expertise in evaluating such schemes and projects. The PAD would give inputs to the PIB for appraisal. The PIB's recommendations on the scheme would then be looked at by the Cabinet for a final decision. The former IAS officer, who headed the PAD and PIB, noted that PAD and PIB inputs added value to schemes. "While recommending a scheme to the Cabinet with improvements, I remember setting apart a small percentage of the investment for independent social audits to provide feedback during implementation," he noted. He also added that NITI Aayog "woefully lacks the required expertise, as PAD used to conduct social-cost social-benefit appraisal, which NITI Aayog is not in a position to do." "By doing away with such an appraisal process, and bringing in NITI Aayog, the government is blocking doors to a professional socio-economic appraisal of schemes – something that is essential," he added. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
Yahoo
10-07-2025
- Health
- Yahoo
A one minute scan of your foot could help prevent amputation – here's how
Imagine having blocked arteries in your legs and not knowing it. At first, there may be no symptoms at all. Just occasional fatigue, cramping or discomfort – symptoms easy to dismiss as ageing or being out of shape. But as blood flow worsens, a small cut on your foot might not heal. It can turn into an ulcer. In the worst cases, it can lead to amputation. This condition is called peripheral artery disease (PAD) – and it's far more common than many realise. PAD affects around one in five people over the age of 60 in the UK, and is especially prevalent in people with diabetes, high blood pressure or kidney disease. PAD is rarely an isolated issue: it's usually a sign of widespread atherosclerosis, the build-up of fatty deposits that can also narrow arteries in the heart and brain. It also significantly increases the risk of heart attacks, strokes and other conditions linked to poor blood flow to vital organs. Research shows that a large proportion of people diagnosed with PAD will die within five to ten years, most often due to these complications. Early detection is key to reducing the impact of PAD, and I've been working with colleagues to develop a faster, simpler way to diagnose it. Doctors can check circulation in the feet by comparing blood pressure in the toe with that in the arm. The result is known as the toe–brachial index (TBI). The trouble is that the test needs a toe-sized cuff, an optical sensor and a doctor who knows how to use the equipment. Many GP surgeries and foot clinics don't have this kit. And in many people, especially those with diabetes or stiff arteries, the test doesn't always give a clear or reliable, result. Our research team asked a simple question: could we turn a routine ultrasound scan into a quick, reliable way to measure blood flow in the foot? Most hospitals, and many community clinics, already have handheld ultrasound probes, which use Doppler sound to track how blood flows through vessels. This works through the Doppler effect: as blood moves, it changes the pitch of the sound waves. Healthy blood flow creates a strong, steady 'swoosh', while a narrowed or blocked artery produces a faint or disrupted sound. Doctors are trained to hear the difference and use these sound patterns to spot circulation problems, especially in conditions like PAD. But my research team wondered whether a computer could do more than listen: we wanted to know whether it could convert the shape of that Doppler 'wave' into a number that mirrors the TBI. To investigate, we scanned the feet of patients already being treated for PAD – 150 feet in all. For each artery, we used Doppler ultrasound to measure how quickly blood surged with each heartbeat, a pattern known as the acceleration index. We then compared these results to the standard toe–brachial index, the traditional test that measures blood pressure in the toe. The acceleration index alone was able to predict the standard toe–brachial index with 88% accuracy. Using a simple formula, we converted that Doppler reading into an 'estimated TBI' – a number that closely mirrored the conventional result. It needed no toe cuff, no optical sensor and it took under a minute to perform. Even more encouraging, estimated TBI rose in tandem with traditional TBI results after treatment. When patients underwent angioplasty – a procedure to reopen blocked arteries – their estimated TBI increased almost identically to the measured TBI. That means this scan doesn't just help diagnose PAD; it could also be used to track recovery over time. Crucially, our approach works with equipment that's already widely available. We repeated the experiment using a basic pocket Doppler: the kind many GPs and podiatrists have tucked in a drawer. While it wasn't quite as precise as hospital-grade ultrasound, the results were still strong. With some additional software refinement, doctors could soon assess foot circulation quickly and accurately using tools they already own, without adding time to a busy clinic schedule. Because early diagnosis of PAD changes everything. It can mean the difference between losing a foot, keeping your mobility and living longer with a better quality of life. It can shorten hospital stays and reduce the risk of heart attack and stroke. But right now, too many people with PAD aren't diagnosed until they already have chronic limb-threatening ischaemia – the most severe form of the disease. This condition occurs when blood flow to the legs or feet becomes critically low, depriving tissues of oxygen. It can cause constant foot pain (especially at night), wounds that won't heal and, in advanced cases, tissue death (gangrene) and the risk of amputation. Without urgent treatment to restore circulation, chronic limb-threatening ischaemia can be life-threatening. Part of the problem is that the tools used to diagnose PAD are often slow, expensive or too complicated for routine use. That's why a simple, cuff-free Doppler scan that provides a reliable estimate of toe–brachial index is so promising. It uses equipment that many clinics already have, takes less than a minute and delivers immediate results – offering a faster, easier way to spot poor circulation before serious damage is done. We're now looking at ways to automate the measurement so that it can be used even by non-specialists. We're testing it in various clinics with different patient groups and exploring its performance over time. But the evidence so far suggests that this could become a key part of vascular care – not just in hospitals, but in GP surgeries, diabetes clinics and anywhere else early intervention could save a limb. Blocked arteries don't need to stay hidden. With the right tools, we can find them earlier, treat them faster and protect people from the devastating consequences of late diagnosis. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. Christian Heiss has received funding from Lipton Teas & Infusions, Ageless Science, iThera, the Medical Research Council, the ESRC, European Partnership on Metrology, co-financed from European Union's Horizon Europe Research and Innovation Programme and UK Research and Innovation. He is member of the board of the European Society of Vascular Medicine, president of the Vascular, Lipid and Metabolic Medicine Council of the Royal Society of Medicine, and chairperson-elect of the ESC WG Aorta and Peripheral Vascular Diseases.
Medscape
03-07-2025
- Health
- Medscape
Semaglutide Has Found Its STRIDE
Key results and new insights from the STRIDE trial and the evolving role of GLP-1 receptor agonist (RA) therapy in type 2 diabetes (T2D) and peripheral arterial disease (PAD) were discussed during a symposium at the American Diabetes Association (ADA) 85th Scientific Sessions in Chicago, which I was fortunate to attend. A Common Comorbidity T2D and PAD are not strangers to one another; patients with T2D are twice as likely to develop PAD compared with the general population. PAD has been shown to be the most common initial manifestation of cardiovascular disease in T2D. Moreover, patients with diabetes foot complications fear amputation and infection more than death. However, PAD is underrecognized in T2D; only around 20% of patients present with the classical symptoms of intermittent claudication (IC). PAD also has insidious onset: Patients experience slow functional decline and leg discomfort, which is often not recognized as PAD by healthcare professionals or patients. T2D and PAD are growing in incidence and share many risk factors, including obesity. A recent systematic literature review exploring the epidemiology and burden of PAD in T2D found that 12.5%-22% of patients with T2D had comorbid PAD. Furthermore, patients with T2D and PAD have a very high risk for major lower-limb complications and major adverse cardiovascular events, including all-cause and cardiovascular mortality. Unsurprisingly, PAD was associated with poor quality of life and significant healthcare use and costs. Notably, the ADA 2025 Standards of Medical Care in Diabetes now recommends screening for PAD using ankle-brachial index (ABI) testing in asymptomatic patients with diabetes aged > 65 years, microvascular disease in any location, or foot complications or any end-organ damage from diabetes if a PAD diagnosis would change management. PAD screening should also be considered in patients with diabetes duration > 10 years and high cardiovascular risk. PAD in T2D is often recalcitrant to surgical intervention because it tends to affect the distal vasculature (that is, the infrapopliteal vessels). These lesions are less amenable to traditional revascularization procedures such as femoropopliteal bypass and stenting. Unfortunately, this circumstance often leaves patients with T2D and PAD with persistent debilitating symptoms and few surgical options. Many international medical guidelines have class I recommendations to consider SGLT2 inhibitors and GLP-1 RAs for patients with T2D and atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease, though not specifically PAD. The only class I recommendation in PAD is for cilostazol for improving claudication symptoms. Cilostazol is a phosphodiesterase 3 inhibitor that promotes vasodilation and increased blood flow, which can improve symptoms of IC (but not cardiovascular outcomes). A recent Cochrane review found that cilostazol resulted in only a 40 m improvement in absolute claudication distance. From my clinical experience, cilostazol is often poorly tolerated (headache and diarrhea are common). It is contraindicated in heart failure, which frequently occurs with PAD. STRIDE Results The randomized controlled STRIDE trial was published in the Lancet in May 2025 and explored the impact of subcutaneous semaglutide (1 mg weekly) plus standard of care, compared with placebo, on walking capacity in patients with symptomatic PAD and T2D. In essence, STRIDE has laid the foundation for a paradigm shift in how we use GLP-1 RAs for symptomatic PAD. The trial recruited 792 patients with T2D and Fontaine stage IIa PAD. Fontaine stage IIa is early-stage symptomatic PAD, in which patients experience symptoms of IC after walking more than 200 m. Mean ABI was ≤ 0.9 in all participants; a normal ABI is typically 0.90-1.30 and indicates normal blood flow to the lower limbs. One-quarter of participants were female, and median age was 68 years. Obesity was not a criterion for study enrollment; 35% of participants had a BMI < 27. The primary outcome of the study was maximum walking distance after 52 weeks compared with baseline. STRIDE achieved its primary outcome. Subcutaneous semaglutide was associated with a significantly increased maximum walking distance (40 m improvement on a 12% incline, which is equivalent to 80 m improvement on a flat surface). This improvement is double that associated with cilostazol and, importantly, was confirmed to be clinically meaningful. The researchers also observed significantly improved symptoms and quality of life, as evidenced by improvements in the VascuQoL questionnaire. Notably, the reported improvements in ABI and disease progression confirm the vascular benefits of semaglutide. Encouragingly, clinical benefits persisted even 5 weeks after stopping semaglutide therapy. The treatment's safety profile was consistent with previous semaglutide trials, and no unexpected safety findings emerged. New data presented and simultaneously published in Diabetes Care confirmed that the effect of semaglutide on maximum walking distance was consistent, irrespective of T2D characteristics; benefits were independent of baseline diabetes duration, BMI, HbA1c, or concomitant use of sodium/glucose cotransporter 2 inhibitors or insulin. Functional benefits did not appear to correlate with weight loss or glycemic improvement, again highlighting the vascular benefits of semaglutide in reducing atherosclerosis, possibly through an anti-inflammatory effect. In conclusion, STRIDE increases the suite of recognized cardiometabolic and renal benefits of semaglutide by adding improved walking capacity, quality of life, and disease progression for patients with T2D and PAD. During my resident year as a junior doctor, my vascular consultant always reminded me of the core management of PAD in five words: 'stop smoking and keep walking.' While this remains the cornerstone of management 25 years later, semaglutide is now well positioned as a foundational therapy to improve quality and quantity of life in patients with T2D and PAD.
Bangkok Post
01-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Protest a worrying sign
The protest at Victory Monument on Saturday brought back memories of the last two street demonstrations which rocked the capital in recent years -- the protest organised by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) against then-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and the rallies held by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) against his sister, Yingluck. Both protests ultimately failed to remove the leaders from power. However, they paved the way for two military coups to happen -- the first was led by Gen Sonthi Boonyaratglin, and the latest by Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. On Saturday, Thai politics seemed to have come full circle, with old faces from the PDRC and PAD back to protesting on the streets, this time under the banner of the "Ruam Palang Paen Din Pok Pong Athipatai", or the United Power of the Land to Protect Sovereignty, group. Despite the heavy rain over the weekend, at least 10,000 people reportedly showed up to the peaceful rally to back the push to remove yet another prime minister from the Shinawatra family from office -- this time, Thaksin's daughter, Paetongtarn. The embattled PM is at the centre of the political crisis, which stemmed from the leaked recording of her conversation with former Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen, in which she could be heard promising to do what he wanted to de-escalate the situation along the border. If history is any indication, then this protest movement is destined to fail. Indeed, all street protests over the past two decades -- including those staged by the red shirts and the Democracy Restoration Group (DRG) -- failed to achieve their goal of booting the prime minister from office. However, the latest protest is a cause for concern. During the demonstration, veteran protest leader Sondhi Limthongkul told the crowds which gathered on Saturday that he wouldn't object "if the military does something". Equally worrying is the ultranationalist rhetoric which accompanied his coup-friendly attitude. At the protest, he encouraged the government to reclaim areas along the border which now belong to Cambodia. Such hardline rhetoric truly has no place in today's society. His comments faced a backlash from both the ruling coalition and the opposition, forcing the group to issue a statement to reassure the public that the group isn't calling for a military coup. This, however, isn't enough. To ensure peace, a political campaign or protest must be geared towards promoting democracy through inclusive dialogue and educating the public about the need for a democratic solution and just policies. In fact, Mr Sondhi's remarks spoiled the group's political momentum. The Pheu Thai Party and People's Party have officially blasted the group, accusing it of trying to overthrow the government and undermine democracy by calling for a military putsch. The war of words which followed Saturday's protest suggests Thai politics is about to reach a dead end once more. Street protests and political rhetoric will not bring about real change and improvement. The leaders of all protest movements must remember that people -- regardless of their political inclinations -- turn to street protest because they lack trust in their elected lawmakers. To prevent violent street protests or even a military coup, lawmakers and political parties must work to show that they exist to protect public interests, not their own political goals. Without trust, the centre will not hold.
