
Could MA63 cause a defeat of Malayan parties?
The issue has spiked in its sensitivity, having been a thorn in the flesh of voters in Sabah for a full four decades! Since 1985, PBS had consistently included MA63 and Sabah rights in its election manifestos, speeches and party congresses. In 1990, PBS demanded a '50–50 redistribution' of revenue from Sabah's resources, setting the stage for a continued MA63 advocacy. And since years ago until this very day Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan has been the no-nonsense advocate of the issue.
To anticipate significant losses for national or Malayan parties come PRN17 is a mild prediction compared to the dire warning by Professor James Chin in a May 15 interview with Khoo Hsu Chuong during which he, without mincing words, said, 'Give the East Malaysians what they want or risk losing the elections!'
Who can argue that the MA63, having a dosage potency greater than the combined potency of all the other issues, is expected to be a powerful and highly contentious issue in the upcoming Sabah state election, potentially becoming a major challenge, or even a Waterloo, for Malayan-based political parties contesting in Sabah.
It no longer requires reexplaining that MA63 pertains to Sabah's rights and autonomy as agreed upon during the formation of Malaysia in 1963, with its key demand being the fulfilment of Sabah's entitlement to 40% of revenues collected by the federal government from the state, which Sabah leaders claim has been unpaid since 1974. This point of contention invokes, as its consequences, the images of bad roads, dilapidated schools and pathetic standard of basic amenities in 'the poorest state in Malaysia'. Sabah voters, especially the youth and rural communities, are highly sensitive to the MA63 issue which is now a key factor influencing voter sentiment and political alignments in the state. The mere mention of this deeply ingrained terminology of 'MA63' never fails to infuriate the common voter who sees it as a betrayal, the example of a blatant lie and ultimately a moral insult to Sabahans. This perception is no exaggeration knowing leaders like Dr Jeffrey, Deputy Chief Miniter 1, describes Sabah as 'colonised'!
Tied to the matter is the issue of Borneonization written in the 20 Points. Sabah-based parties emphasize the need for Sabah to be managed by Sabahans, reflecting a 'Sabah for Sabahans' sentiment. There is strong local opposition to Malayan parties governing Sabah, as history has shown that non-Sabah parties have not always acted in the state's best interests. This local-first sentiment is non-negotiable for many voters.
The entry and involvement of Malayan political parties in Sabah's political landscape are viewed as undermining the autonomy guaranteed by MA63. This is seen as hegemonic encroachment that threatens Sabah's unique cultural, economic and political identity and fuels distrust among Sabahans towards Malayan parties.
The ruling Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) coalition, which includes local parties, has been criticized for not pushing hard enough for MA63 rights, choosing instead to work alongside the federal government. This pragmatic approach contrasts with more pro-Sabah parties like STAR, which strongly advocates for MA63 and 'Sabah for Sabahans'.
The situation puts Malayan parties such as Umno and the Pakatan Harapan coalition into a formidable corner, facing a challenge to resolve factional conflicts and local resistance. Umno's internal factionalism, with three internal leadership blocks, renders it weakened, lacking of a strong local ideological foundation.
Sabah Umno leader, Datuk Seri Bung Mokhtar Radin, has resorted to branding GRS as actually a Malayan-founded coalition, and unable to present a coherent and solid vision for Sabah under Umno/BN.
And ironically, Prime Minister Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim had tried to reign in support from Sabahans by reprimanding the Sabah leaders for 'shouting and cursing' in their demands for Sabah rights – hardly an effective strategy of love and care. Pakatan Harapan's current approach to secure local support for the federal (Madani) government has veered off the rail and doesn't fully resonate with local sentiments. The PM still believes Sabahans can be cowed into submission and subservience with a sharp whip, which by itself is definitive of the Malayan political attitude towards the peoples of the Borneo states.
Given the strong local-first sentiment, the centrality of MA63 in voter concerns, and the perception that Malayan parties undermine Sabah's autonomy, MA63 is likely to be a critical and potentially divisive issue in the next Sabah state election. It could indeed be a bane, possibly destructive, for Malayan parties if they continue to be seen as neglectful in convincingly addressing Sabahans' demands for autonomy and economic rights under MA63. As such, local parties advocating for Sabah's rights and autonomy are expected to have a much higher advantage in mobilizing voter support.
Could then Malayan parties, post-PRN17, be going back home to Kuala Lumpur limping in defeat? And could Professor James Chin be in another interview with a gloating smile saying, 'I told you so!'?

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