Latest news with #JamesChin
The Sun
15-07-2025
- Politics
- The Sun
Sabah, S'wak gain voice, but autonomy push remains
PETALING JAYA: Although Sabah and Sarawak have gained increased representation in the federal government, analysts say ongoing discussions over administrative powers and jurisdictional responsibilities remain relevant, particularly in sectors such as oil and gas, education and healthcare. University of Tasmania professor Dr James Chin noted that the inclusion of leaders from East Malaysia in senior federal roles marks a significant development in terms of political presence. 'For the first time in Malaysian history, we have a deputy prime minister from Sarawak,' he said, referring to Deputy Prime Minister II Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof. He added that four Sarawakian MPs currently hold full ministerial positions – Datuk Seri Nancy Shukri (Women, Family and Community Development), Datuk Seri Alexander Nanta Linggi (Works), Datuk Seri Tiong King Sing (Tourism) and Datuk Aaron Ago Dagang (National Unity). In total, seven out of 28 full ministers are from East Malaysia, making up 25% of the Cabinet. Chin also pointed out that at the deputy minister level, representation is slightly higher, with six deputy ministers from Sarawak and seven from Sabah. However, he said despite this level of representation, there are continued calls from both states for greater decision-making authority in certain policy areas. 'In Sarawak, for example, there have been long-standing proposals for more local control over education and health services. These remain under federal jurisdiction,' he said. He explained that such arrangements reflect the broader framework of federal governance, where the central government maintains oversight over certain portfolios. 'Changes in governance structure typically require time and coordination among various agencies.' Chin also noted that political structures differ between the two states. In Sabah, the presence of multiple parties within the governing coalition can affect policy cohesion. 'There is currently no single party with enough seats to govern Sabah independently. This can influence the state's ability to negotiate or present unified proposals at the federal level,' he said. In Sarawak, the situation is more consolidated. Of the 82 seats in the state legislative assembly, 80 are held by Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), comprising Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, Sarawak United Peoples' Party, Sarawak Peoples' Party and Progressive Democratic Party. The coalition left Barisan Nasional in 2018 and has since governed Sarawak on its own. Chin said this stability has contributed to more consistent policy positions and engagement with the federal government. He also remarked on public perceptions in Sabah, where federal-state relations are sometimes viewed through the lens of political alignment. Nusantara Academy of Strategic Research senior fellow prof Dr Azmi Hassan offered similar observations. He said that political representation from East Malaysia has improved, though there are distinctions between the two states. 'Sabah is still developing a stronger coalition identity, while Sarawak's GPS is more established and cohesive,' he said. Azmi added that East Malaysian parties will likely continue to play a significant role in federal politics, particularly in light of ongoing political fragmentation in Peninsular Malaysia, as seen during the last general election. He also expects the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) to remain a point of interest in upcoming state elections, especially in Sabah, where it holds historical and emotional significance. 'While national issues remain important, MA63-related matters continue to be a key focus for many voters in East Malaysia,' he said. In a related update, Deputy Prime Minister II Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof said on Monday that the federal government is expected to make a decision on matters related to MA63 on Sept 12. This will follow further discussions in a technical committee involving both Sabah and Sarawak.
The Star
08-07-2025
- Politics
- The Star
Having more seats favours GPS
Analysts say larger number of seats would make it tougher for Opposition to win KUCHING: The increase in Sarawak's elected state representatives from 82 to 99 will consolidate the ruling Gabungan Parti Sarawak's (GPS) hold on power, says a political analyst. Prof James Chin from the University of Tasmania said the large number of new seats would make it even more difficult for the Opposition to win a state election due to the dominance of GPS. 'With more seats at 99, this means the Opposition has to win 56 seats to replace the current government,' he said when contacted. GPS secured a landslide victory in the last state election in 2021, winning 76 of 82 seats. Chin said the increase in seats would also benefit Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), the backbone of GPS. 'If you look at the distribution of seats, especially for PBB, the GPS-led government will want to carve out new Malay/Melanau-majority seats in areas where traditionally they don't have seats,' he said, adding that he expected these new seats to be created in the urban centres of Sibu, Miri and Kuching. The Sarawak Legislative Assembly passed the Dewan Undangan Negeri (Composition of Membership) Bill 2025 at a special one-day sitting yesterday. The Bill, tabled by state Tourism, Creative Industry and Performing Arts Minister Datuk Seri Abdul Karim Hamzah, proposed an increase of 17 elected representatives to bring the total to 99. Abdul Karim said the redelineation will enhance accessibility to government, ensure the needs of the rakyat are more efficiently and effectively addressed, and improve service delivery. He also said the proposal was in line with Article 113(2)(ii) of the Federal Constitution, which allows a review of electoral boundaries after an interval of not less than eight years. He said given the vast geographical expanse of Sarawak and the extensive areas that assemblymen representing rural constituencies must cover, the proposed increase is both reasonable and necessary. The last redelineation exercise in Sarawak took place in 2015, creating 11 new constituencies. This followed the passing of the Dewan Undangan Negeri (Composition of Membership) Bill in November 2014, increasing its membership from 71 to 82. Universiti Malaya's Prof Dr Awang Azman Awang Pawi said PBB is expected to get 10 of the 17 new seats, as it is the dominant party in GPS with 47 of the current 82 seats. He said the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) would likely get three new seats, while two seats each would go to Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) and Progressive Democratic Party (PDP). 'PBB has been the backbone of the state government for over 50 years. 'Allocating more seats to PBB can be seen as recognising its role and positive record in governing the state,' said Awang Azman. Abdul Karim said the Bill is a constitutional exercise done in the spirit of justice. 'This is not about redelineation of constituencies but increasing the number of representatives in this House from the present 82 to 99,' Abdul Karim added when winding up the debate on the Bill. Abdul Karim also said the state government had no say in the redelineation of the 17 new state constituencies as this was the purview of the Election Commission. He dismissed allegations by the Opposition that the seat increase was meant to strengthen GPS. Persatuan Pemangkin Daya Masyarakat (ROSE) said the Bill's passing would have an effect on future elections, including the next state election due by 2027. It called on voters to participate in the process as provided for in the Federal Constitution.
Borneo Post
07-07-2025
- Politics
- Borneo Post
Bill's proposed 99 DUN constituencies should lead to corresponding increase of parliamentary seats, says don
Prof Dr James Chin MIRI (July 7): The Dewan Undangan Negeri (Composition of Membership) Bill, 2025, which will see an increase in the number of elected representatives in the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly (DUN) from 82 to 99 comes as no surprise, said Prof Dr James Chin. The political analyst and professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania said speculation on the increase had been circulating for the past two years, particularly during the last parliamentary election. 'This is not new. The only surprise for many is that the number settled at 99, when some had anticipated it would go up to 101 or 102,' he said when contacted after Tourism, Creative Industry and Performing Arts Minister Dato Sri Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah tabled the Bill during today's special DUN sitting. Chin emphasised that the more significant development would be an increase in the number of parliamentary seats for Sarawak and Sabah. He pointed out it is typical that an increase in state seats would lead to a corresponding increase in parliamentary seats, although the Sarawak DUN itself has no authority to change parliamentary representation. Chin stressed the importance of increasing parliamentary representation for Sabah and Sarawak, in line with the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). 'I am more concerned about the parliamentary seats. It is very important for both Sabah and Sarawak to eventually hold one-third of the seats in Parliament, as enshrined under MA63,' he said. He added that any increase in parliamentary seats would require a redelineation exercise, which is long overdue in Sarawak. 'The last redelineation was carried out in 2015. The process to add new parliamentary seats would take a minimum of two years, and it requires a two-thirds majority in Parliament. 'While that may be a significant hurdle, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim currently has the numbers to push it through,' he said. When tabling the Bill today, Abdul Karim had said that the proposed increase is timely and necessary to reflect Sarawak's demographic changes, urban expansion, and growing demand for equitable representation. He said the DUN must remain dynamic and responsive to the evolving needs of its people. 'Over the years, we have witnessed significant demographic changes, urban extension, and increasing demand for fair representation,' he told the august House. He also noted that Sarawak's vast geographical landscape and the extensive areas that rural constituencies warrant more representation to enhance governance and improve service delivery. 'This proposed increase in the number of elected representatives is both reasonable and necessary. 'It will enhance accessibility to governance, ensure the needs and concerns of the rakyat are more efficiently and effectively addressed, and improve service delivery through leadership that is closer and more responsive to the rakyat,' he said.
Free Malaysia Today
28-06-2025
- Politics
- Free Malaysia Today
Analysts predict heartache for new party Hati
The president of Hati, Chan Tse Yuen, speaking in a press conference at the launch of the party on Friday. PETALING JAYA : Discontented voters are likely to back the opposition in the next general election instead of voting for a newly-formed outfit, a political analyst said in dismissing Parti Hati Rakyat Malaysia's aspirations. James Chin of the University of Tasmania told FMT that Malaysian voters are unlikely to rally behind a new party simply because they do not believe it can form a government. 'If people are unhappy with Pakatan Harapan, they will vote for Perikatan Nasional. So there's already a clear choice. People understand that the next election will be a battle between PH-Barisan Nasional and PN.' Hati, which was unveiled on Friday, has positioned itself as an alternative to voters frustrated with the current government. James Chin. Chin also does not think that many Malaysians would want another hung parliament, which had forced the royals to step in to help form a new government. The current unity government is a result of a hung parliament following the outcome of the last general election, after no party secured a clear majority. Chin also said that should the party decide to partake in the impending Sabah polls, 'they are guaranteed to lose their deposit.' As for Hati's prospects in the next general election, Chin said the party has two years to make a name for itself, but said it would be an uphill task as it does not have a prominent leader. And as it stands now, the top leadership 'is virtually unknown'. Hati is led by former MCA Youth deputy chairman Chan Tse Yuen. The other leaders are deputy president Abdul Razak Abdul Khalek and vice-presidents Dr Lim Hong Jun, Derrick Kok, and Chee Chee Meng. Chin said voters generally would not support parties that they believe won't be unable to bring about real change. 'In Malaysia, if you want to make real change, you've got to be in government or at least in one of the big coalitions.' Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara said Hati would struggle to gain traction even if it were to form alliances with other minor parties, such as Muda and Parti Sosialis Malaysia. Azmi Hassan. He also likened Hati's potential strategy to Bersatu's early play for dissatisfied Umno supporters. 'The modus operandi here would be like Bersatu's strategy – if you're not happy with Umno, come vote for us,' he said. 'But I think it will be very difficult for Hati because there is no track record, even for their leaders. So how can you attract the dissatisfied PH voters?' He said it would be easier for PN to woo unhappy PH supporters. Azmi said Hati, like Muda, would learn that it cannot survive alone or rely solely on personalities. 'Hati needs a bigger party, not PSM or Muda. In this case, it's PN.'
Borneo Post
21-06-2025
- Politics
- Borneo Post
Could MA63 cause a defeat of Malayan parties?
The Peninsular-based national parties risk losing substantial number of votes – and some seats? – in the forthcoming 17th state general election (PRN17) given their current continued neglect of the Sabahans' demand for fulfilment of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). The issue has spiked in its sensitivity, having been a thorn in the flesh of voters in Sabah for a full four decades! Since 1985, PBS had consistently included MA63 and Sabah rights in its election manifestos, speeches and party congresses. In 1990, PBS demanded a '50–50 redistribution' of revenue from Sabah's resources, setting the stage for a continued MA63 advocacy. And since years ago until this very day Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan has been the no-nonsense advocate of the issue. To anticipate significant losses for national or Malayan parties come PRN17 is a mild prediction compared to the dire warning by Professor James Chin in a May 15 interview with Khoo Hsu Chuong during which he, without mincing words, said, 'Give the East Malaysians what they want or risk losing the elections!' Who can argue that the MA63, having a dosage potency greater than the combined potency of all the other issues, is expected to be a powerful and highly contentious issue in the upcoming Sabah state election, potentially becoming a major challenge, or even a Waterloo, for Malayan-based political parties contesting in Sabah. It no longer requires reexplaining that MA63 pertains to Sabah's rights and autonomy as agreed upon during the formation of Malaysia in 1963, with its key demand being the fulfilment of Sabah's entitlement to 40% of revenues collected by the federal government from the state, which Sabah leaders claim has been unpaid since 1974. This point of contention invokes, as its consequences, the images of bad roads, dilapidated schools and pathetic standard of basic amenities in 'the poorest state in Malaysia'. Sabah voters, especially the youth and rural communities, are highly sensitive to the MA63 issue which is now a key factor influencing voter sentiment and political alignments in the state. The mere mention of this deeply ingrained terminology of 'MA63' never fails to infuriate the common voter who sees it as a betrayal, the example of a blatant lie and ultimately a moral insult to Sabahans. This perception is no exaggeration knowing leaders like Dr Jeffrey, Deputy Chief Miniter 1, describes Sabah as 'colonised'! Tied to the matter is the issue of Borneonization written in the 20 Points. Sabah-based parties emphasize the need for Sabah to be managed by Sabahans, reflecting a 'Sabah for Sabahans' sentiment. There is strong local opposition to Malayan parties governing Sabah, as history has shown that non-Sabah parties have not always acted in the state's best interests. This local-first sentiment is non-negotiable for many voters. The entry and involvement of Malayan political parties in Sabah's political landscape are viewed as undermining the autonomy guaranteed by MA63. This is seen as hegemonic encroachment that threatens Sabah's unique cultural, economic and political identity and fuels distrust among Sabahans towards Malayan parties. The ruling Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) coalition, which includes local parties, has been criticized for not pushing hard enough for MA63 rights, choosing instead to work alongside the federal government. This pragmatic approach contrasts with more pro-Sabah parties like STAR, which strongly advocates for MA63 and 'Sabah for Sabahans'. The situation puts Malayan parties such as Umno and the Pakatan Harapan coalition into a formidable corner, facing a challenge to resolve factional conflicts and local resistance. Umno's internal factionalism, with three internal leadership blocks, renders it weakened, lacking of a strong local ideological foundation. Sabah Umno leader, Datuk Seri Bung Mokhtar Radin, has resorted to branding GRS as actually a Malayan-founded coalition, and unable to present a coherent and solid vision for Sabah under Umno/BN. And ironically, Prime Minister Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim had tried to reign in support from Sabahans by reprimanding the Sabah leaders for 'shouting and cursing' in their demands for Sabah rights – hardly an effective strategy of love and care. Pakatan Harapan's current approach to secure local support for the federal (Madani) government has veered off the rail and doesn't fully resonate with local sentiments. The PM still believes Sabahans can be cowed into submission and subservience with a sharp whip, which by itself is definitive of the Malayan political attitude towards the peoples of the Borneo states. Given the strong local-first sentiment, the centrality of MA63 in voter concerns, and the perception that Malayan parties undermine Sabah's autonomy, MA63 is likely to be a critical and potentially divisive issue in the next Sabah state election. It could indeed be a bane, possibly destructive, for Malayan parties if they continue to be seen as neglectful in convincingly addressing Sabahans' demands for autonomy and economic rights under MA63. As such, local parties advocating for Sabah's rights and autonomy are expected to have a much higher advantage in mobilizing voter support. Could then Malayan parties, post-PRN17, be going back home to Kuala Lumpur limping in defeat? And could Professor James Chin be in another interview with a gloating smile saying, 'I told you so!'?
