logo
Why A Mega Dalit Outreach Is Part Of BJP's Plan For Poll-Bound Bihar From June 20

Why A Mega Dalit Outreach Is Part Of BJP's Plan For Poll-Bound Bihar From June 20

News1804-06-2025
Last Updated:
Caste arithmetic and an unfavourable result in the elections last year have prompted the party to take steps to win the poll battle
The BJP has decided to go all out to woo Dalits of poll-bound Bihar, even before seat-sharing talks have begun among the NDA constituents for the upcoming election.
Starting June 20, the party will target the Ravidas community by organising the Sant Shiromani Ravidas Sammelan-cum-honour ceremony in Bihar. Sant Ravidas, a 15th-century Bhakti saint, is a significant figure in the Dalit community and is widely recognised as a Dalit icon. Last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi commemorated Ravidas' 647th birth anniversary in his Lok Sabha constituency Varanasi. Now, with Bihar election around the corner, BJP has decided to hold such conclaves in different districts and created a schedule for that.
News18 has learnt that BJP has fixed conclave dates for Begusarai on June 20, Samastipur on June 22, Madhubani on June 25, Bagaha and Bhagalpur on June 29, Saharsa on June 30, Muzaffarpur and Siwan on July 6, Darbhanga on July 7, Gaya on July 13, Banka on July 16, Arwal on July 18, Khagaria and Sitamarhi on July 20 and Gopalganj on July 31, which will be the season finale.
There will also be a special conclave through which Dalit outreach efforts will be made in Bihar's capital Patna though the date for it is not yet finalised. The party wants the Patna conclave to be a show-stopper with big names in attendance, and hence, the date will depend on their availability, say BJP sources.
But why the focus on Dalits? Sources in the know suggest there are two reasons behind it. One is pure caste arithmetic. Though the Ravidas community constitutes just 5 per cent of Bihar's voters, if the total Dalit pie in Bihar is taken into consideration, the number jumps to 19 per cent. While BJP is confident about upper castes and OBC support of a few, JDU too brings OBC strengths. Even NDA's smaller allies like Rashtriya Lok Morcha leader Upendra Kushwaha can influence OBC votes. Only former Bihar CM Jitin Ram Majhi's Hindustan Awam Morcha-Secular(HAM-S) and LJP (RV) Chirag Paswan have limited sway over those known as the backwards.
The second reason stems from an unfavourable experience in last year's Lok Sabha election when the BJP-led NDA lost nine Lok Sabha seats in Bihar. In 2019 Lok Sabha polls, NDA won 39 seats while in 2024, it managed to win 30. In neighbouring Uttar Pradesh, the situation was even more grim. The BJP-led NDA lost a whopping 28 seats. Later, BJP went on record to accept that Congress managed to twist BJP's '400 paar' campaign slogan as fear mongering among Dalit voters, suggesting their reservation rights are on the line. This worked against the BJP in the two Hindi heartland states.
Since June 4 last year, when the results were declared, BJP has taken corrective measures to win the narrative war. However, the party feels that with no big alliance partner that has a solid grip among the Dalit community, the outreach is the best way forward.
Sources in the BJP say the plan to carpet-bomb the Ravidas Sammelans was conceived in mid-May when Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi alleged that the Bihar Police stopped him on his way to Ambedkar hostel in Darbhanga, adding that 'they could not stop me because your power (minority community) is watching over me".
Back then, Bihar BJP president Dilip Jaiswal had hit out at Gandhi, saying: 'He should use his mind. If he had to use a government building or hostel, he should have sent an official itinerary. He is the Leader of Opposition and a state president of a party has to teach this?"
However, it is learnt that this visit may have worked as a catalyst for the state BJP to pre-emptively launch a mega Dalit outreach, having learnt its lessons last year.
First Published:
June 04, 2025, 10:29 IST
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Ahead of Cong protest, ex-minister seeks copy of ‘2023 letter'; no record, says Karnataka CEO
Ahead of Cong protest, ex-minister seeks copy of ‘2023 letter'; no record, says Karnataka CEO

Indian Express

time27 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Ahead of Cong protest, ex-minister seeks copy of ‘2023 letter'; no record, says Karnataka CEO

Ahead of Congress's protest scheduled on August 5 in Bengaluru over alleged voter fraud during 2024 Lok Sabha elections, former minister H Nagesh had written to the Chief Electoral Officer, Karnataka, seeking a copy of a complaint he claimed he had submitted in April 2023 alleging forged entries in voters' list. The CEO's office, however, denied receiving any such complaint. Nagesh contested the 2023 polls from Mahadevapura constituency in Bengaluru and lost by a margin of 44,000 votes to BJP's S Manjula. On July 31 this year, in a letter to the state election commission, he said, 'I, H Nagesh, wish to bring to your kind attention that we had earlier during April 2023, submitted a list containing details of alleged forged entries in the voters list pertaining to our constituency 174 Mahadevapura. This issue is of grave concern as it affects the transparency and fairness of the electoral process. However, we have misplaced the list of documents — we do not have a copy of the submitted documents for our records. We kindly request you to share a copy of the document which we had submitted.' The letter was shared on the official X handle of the Chief Electoral Officer, Karnataka, and the reply attached. Yogeshwar S, Joint Chief Electoral Officer, in a letter dated August 2, said that 'this office does not have records of any such letter received from you during April 2023 on the issue of electoral rolls with a list containing details of alleged forged entries in the voter list pertaining to 174-Mahadevapura Assembly constituency, which you have suddenly raised now.' 'This office has a statutory copy of the electoral roll which is also available online and is always handed over to the candidates during the elections, including you while you were a contesting candidate,' the letter said. 'Since then, you have not filed any petition with respect to 174-Mahadevapura Assembly Constituency as per Section 80 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 nor any appeal to either the first appellate authority or second appellate authority against entries in the electoral rolls published in 2023 as per Section 24 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950,' it said.

CM Mamata Banerjee, Left slam Centre over Delhi cop calling Bengali a ‘Bangladeshi language'
CM Mamata Banerjee, Left slam Centre over Delhi cop calling Bengali a ‘Bangladeshi language'

New Indian Express

time27 minutes ago

  • New Indian Express

CM Mamata Banerjee, Left slam Centre over Delhi cop calling Bengali a ‘Bangladeshi language'

Trinamool Congress general secretary Abhishek Banerjee called it a "calculated attempt" by the BJP to undermine Bengali identity and demanded immediate suspension of the police officer along with a public apology from Delhi Police, the BJP and Home Minister Amit Shah. "Bengalis are not outsiders in their own homeland," he stated. However, BJP's West Bengal president Samik Bhattacharya defended the police, arguing that the language used was "absolutely correct" and distinguishing between Bengali literature from India and Bangladesh. BJP IT cell chief Amit Malviya accused Banerjee of defending "illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators" and stated that national security would not be compromised for "vote-bank politics." CPI(M) state secretary Md Salim posted the controversial Delhi Police letter on social media and mocked the department's ignorance. 'Will the illiterate @DelhiPolice explain what 'Bangladeshi language' means? Have they not heard of the 8th Schedule of the Constitution?' he asked. CPI(ML) Liberation leader Dipankar Bhattacharya also condemned the incident, saying it reflects 'majoritarian arrogance' and warned that fascism poses a threat to India's linguistic and cultural fabric. 'The persecution of Bengali-speaking workers as 'Bangladeshis' has now escalated into outright denial of Bengali as an Indian language. This is an assault on our multicultural unity,' Bhattacharya said in a Facebook post. He called for a united resistance against attempts to erode India's linguistic diversity and national integrity.

Misunderstanding India's advocacy for multipolarity
Misunderstanding India's advocacy for multipolarity

Hindustan Times

time27 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Misunderstanding India's advocacy for multipolarity

A growing number of liberal American geopolitical analysts and Donald Trump, whom they despise, have a few things in common — they are opposed to India's relationship with Russia, its association with Brics, and advocacy for multipolarity. Trump's criticism of India is sharp and direct, of course. The Trump presidency will end in another three-and-a-half years, but this rare consensus in Washington DC, on India's search for multipolarity will remain. This is something, therefore, Indian strategic thinkers must reflect on. Put differently, with or without Trump around, India's advocacy for multipolarity will continue to haunt New Delhi, particularly given the structural transformations underway in the international system today. India's foreign policy is not about indecision. It is a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. (AFP) Let's begin by unpacking some important aspects of multipolarity, given its many layers of complexity and ambiguity. First, notwithstanding the general perception about the virtues of multipolarity, it is becoming somewhat clear that a multipolar world is not as pretty as we had imagined it to be. Even the imperfect multipolarity that we have today — with poles of various sizes and influence competing for power — seems messy, incoherent, confusing and hard to navigate. If this is what a system that is not even really multipolar looks like, what will a true multipolar system look like? Second, notwithstanding the messy nature of the quasi-multipolar order today, New Delhi remains committed to a multipolar world. The desire for multipolarity is deeply entrenched in India's tradition of non-alignment, which is one of the first principles of Indian foreign policy. When faced with a difficult choice, the first strategic instinct of political New Delhi is to be non-aligned, neutral, and multi-aligned. Mostly in that order. I would not view that as strategic escapism. It is very much part of the DNA of Indian foreign policy. It would also be wrong to mistake non-alignment (or a variation thereof) as not valuing friendships, loyalty or solidarity: In fact, India's foreign policy history is rich with examples of friendships, loyalty and solidarity. In that sense, India's foreign policy is not about indecision; it's a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. This is where the country's fascination with a multipolar world becomes crucial, for there is no genuine autonomy, balance and agency in world affairs without true multipolarity. Third, India's complaints about American unipolarity are on a steady decline, even as the rhetoric remains. It would be a mistake, however, to view New Delhi's rhetoric against unipolarity as merely, or primarily, directed against the US because today, New Delhi is less anxious about America's global unipolarity than a potential Chinese unipolarity in Asia. While America's declining global unipolarity is mostly a theoretical concern for New Delhi, the prospect of a China-led unipolar Asia is the true source of anxiety. In that sense, New Delhi's desire for multipolarity is also an attempt at ensuring the absence of a unipolar (China-dominated) Asia. Therefore, even if New Delhi is more focused on countering Chinese unipolarity in Asia rather than US unipolarity globally, opposing regional unipolarity without opposing global unipolarity will ring hollow. There are two reasons why New Delhi would be concerned about China's unipolarity in Asia. One, this could mean that China might set the rules of geopolitical engagement in Asia. Once much of Asia falls under China's influence, it will be harder for New Delhi to push back Chinese hegemony. Two, a rise of Chinese unipolarity in Asia might prompt the US to think of accommodating China in a G2 format, especially if the American nativist and isolationist tendencies persist. In an ideal world, New Delhi's articulations must make a clear distinction between American unipolarity and Chinese attempts at unipolarity in Asia, but doing so is not easy for a variety of reasons, including that New Delhi continues to resist aspects of American unipolarity and is not yet willing to acknowledge the possibility of Chinese unipolarity in Asia. But New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony, without openly resisting the growing Chinese regional hegemony or a potentially unipolar Asia, could have unintended consequences. Some US administrations, especially the current one, might interpret India's rhetoric against American unipolarity as personal rather than an academic exercise, for the most part. This could prompt an unhappy Washington to undercut India's geopolitical standing in the region, thereby indirectly aiding China's attempts at regional hegemony. This creates a paradox: India aims to counter Chinese unipolarity in Asia by promoting global multipolarity, which annoys the US, prompting it to marginalise India in the region, thereby ultimately aiding Beijing's efforts to establish hegemony in Asia. New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony could also prompt the US, which is losing influence in various parts of the world, to seek ways of strengthening its influence in spaces where it can — this could lead to accepting Chinese unipolarity in Asia. More so, if the US reacts negatively towards India, as it is doing now, it could create a fertile ground for China and Russia to fan the Indian rhetoric against the US, encourage India to proactively participate in forums and arrangements aimed at undermining US unipolarity, and generate confusion within India's strategic community about the true motives behind India's multipolarity rhetoric. All of this will further drive the geopolitical wedge between New Delhi and Washington DC. There is no easy way out. New Delhi will need to have a lot more conversations and build trust with the US. That is not easy when a president like Trump occupies the White House. Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research and the editor of INDIA'S WORLD magazine. The views expressed are personal.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store