Cryptocurrency Live News & Updates : Greene Criticizes GENIUS Act as Government Control Tool
Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene has denounced the GENIUS Act, claiming it paves the way for a central bank digital currency and government control over financial transactions. In a recent legislative session, Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene voiced strong opposition to the GENIUS Act, labeling it a potential gateway to government-controlled digital currency. She expressed concerns that the bill could lead to a cashless society where authorities could manipulate citizens' financial freedoms. Greene voted against the GENIUS Act but supported the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State Act, which aims to prevent the Federal Reserve from issuing Central Bank Digital Currencies. She also backed the Clarity Act, emphasizing the importance of self-custody protections in cryptocurrency. Greene's remarks echo a broader skepticism among lawmakers regarding the implications of digital currency regulation, reminiscent of historical shifts like the abandonment of the gold standard. Former State Representative Tim Cahill echoed Greene's sentiments, warning that cashless payment systems could lead to increased surveillance and fees. As Congress navigates the complexities of cryptocurrency legislation, the American public remains largely unaware of the potential ramifications of these bills, highlighting a critical need for transparency and education in the evolving digital currency landscape. Show more
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The Wire
24 minutes ago
- The Wire
The Rhetoric of Social Justice Ignores the Need for it
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The continued marginalisation of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes from the sphere of power and privileges, raise questions about the commitment of the state and the political elites to bring transformative change in their lives. The Indian constitution lays a robust framework for uplifting SCs and STs through three key pillars: protection from social humiliation and exploitation with provisions like the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, ensuring that their social dignity and civic rights are safeguarded, equitable representation through reservations in state institutions that allows these groups to avail themselves crucial positions of power and privileges in governance, and last, advancing economic empowerment via dedicated budgetary provisions and policy initiatives. Policy measures like the special component plan for SCs and STs in the state budget were introduced to ensure financial assistance for the economic empowerment of these sections. However, implementation has been inconsistent on all three fronts, often with token value, leaving large sections of these communities outside the ambit of social justice policies. Persistent social injustices Despite substantive legal safeguards like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, caste-based discrimination persists. The National Crime Records Bureau recorded 57,582 cases of atrocities against SCs and 10,062 against STs in 2022, reflecting deep-rooted systemic oppression and the limit of the state machinery to curb the menace. From rural areas, where Dalit people face violence for minor assertions of dignity, to urban centres, where discrimination in housing and employment is rampant, caste continues to shape access to opportunities. Such incidents are witnessed even in the arena of state institutions like universities (the institutional murder of Rohith Vemula) and legislative bodies (which see little discussion on the issues of caste-based violence). This underscores the failure of the governing classes to enforce protective measures effectively. Reservation: A partial success The reservation policy, designed to ensure SC and ST representation in state institutions, has seen uneven progress. While lower-level posts (Group C and D) in public sector units like railways and banks are often filled, senior positions remain largely inaccessible to marginalised groups even now. Especially in higher education, leadership roles such as vice-chancellors and professors are predominantly occupied by unreserved categories, highlighting structural barriers. Similarly, in the higher judiciary, SC and ST representation among judges and key functionaries is negligible, undermining the promise of equitable participation. The downsizing of public sector units has further eroded opportunities for reserved posts, exacerbating their economic exclusion. The positions of power and privileges in major state institutions are dominated by the social elites. Further, the political class and civil society have failed to engage in crucial deliberation to make private economy more inclusive with the increased participation Dalit and Adivasis. They mostly survive as the precarious labour class, distanced from the entitlements and privileges enjoyed by the middle-class. Economic marginalisation One of the major objectives of the special component plan for SCs and STs is to provide income generating assets and skill so as to enable the marginalised social groups to have a sustained economic upliftment. It intends to advance composite economic development programmes to elevate their class position. Even such a significant initiative has often been reduced to a symbolic gesture today. Exclusive funds meant for SC and ST welfare are frequently underutilised or diverted, with successive governments failing to prioritise these allocations for a substantive welfare of these groups. 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While the ruling dispensation under the BJP has often pledged to uphold the ideals of social justice, its decade-long tenure has seen a steady rise in caste-based violence and a dilution of policies aimed at SC and ST upliftment. Though at the symbolic level it offered prominent political gestures (like naming Draupadi Murmu the president of India), there is an absence of new initiatives to enhance their representation in public and private sectors. The growing political rhetoric on social justice shall complement with substantive executive orders and fair implementation of policies. However, the governing elites hardly felt any moral pressure to perform under constitutional directives. Further, within the democratic polity, the Dalit-Adivasi claims for social justice and inclusivity have weakened or relegated to negligible space. Their movements are quelled and not allowed to flourish. Without a popular movement and mobilisation of Dalit, Adivasi and Bahujan groups, political elites would always hesitate to execute effective programmes for their welfare. The growing marginalisation of Dalits and Adivasis from the national discourse has allowed the traditional elites to dominate decision-making process and to neglect the social justice agenda. The future The national political discourse shall revolve around the welfare, security and advancement of the Dalit, Adivasi and Bahujan communities, ensuring their equitable participation in positions of power and privileges. The BJP and the Congress offer a visible space to the idea of social justice in their political manifestos, but overtly hesitate to ensure its appropriate implementation. To actualise the potentials of a social justice agenda, India needs a governing class that is sensitive and committed to the welfare of the marginalised social groups in a substantive manner. Further, there is a crucial need to amplify the Dalit and Adivasi voices for social justice, enabling new movements to drive national discourse for policy reforms. Finally, the social justice discourse needs to move beyond the claim for representation in public institutions and democratic polity. It needs to examine other spheres of power and privileges (like market economy, cultural industry, sports establishments, and so on) which are overtly dominated by the conventional ruling classes. The social justice agenda needs to be applicable to a broader arena of power to make it more diverse and representative through the participation of Dalit, Adivasi and Bahujan groups. Harish S. Wankhede is Assistant Professor, Center for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
The Hindu
24 minutes ago
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Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar resigns LIVE: What does the Constitution say about the V-P elections when the post falls vacant?
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Indian Express
24 minutes ago
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Indian Army receives three Apache helicopters from Boeing
The Indian Army on Thursday said that it has received three Apache attack helicopters from American aerospace company Boeing. The company delivered the AH-64E Apaches choppers as part of a contract to supply six helicopters to the Indian Army. The AH-64 Apache, which is one of the most advanced multi-role combat helicopter in the world, is currently flown by the US Army. In an X post, the Indian Army said, 'Milestone moment for Indian Army as the first batch of Apache helicopters for Army Aviation arrive today in India. These state-of-the-art platforms will bolster the operational capabilities of the Indian Army significantly.' #Apache for Indian Army Milestone moment for Indian Army as the first batch of Apache helicopters for Army Aviation arrive today in India. These state-of-the-art platforms will bolster the operational capabilities of the #IndianArmy significantly.#YearofTechAbsorption… — ADG PI – INDIAN ARMY (@adgpi) July 22, 2025 In 2020, Boeing completed delivery of 22 E-model Apaches to the Indian Air Force (IAF) and signed a contract to supply six AH-64Es for the Indian Army. The US government and Boeing signed a multi-billion dollar contract with the Indian Air Force in September 2015 for 22 Apache helicopters. As part of the contract, the delivery of the Apaches was scheduled to commence in 2024. Additionally, the Defence Ministry in 2017 approved the procurement of six Apache helicopters along with weapons systems from Boeing at a cost of Rs 4,168 crore for the Army. The AH-64E is the most recent configuration of the Apache and is ready to act in Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) carried out by the military. The attack chopper contains a network-centric, fully integrated weapon system specifically built to dominate in highly contested and complex battle space. (With inputs from PTI)
