
As a generation of gay and lesbian people ages, memories of worse — and better — times swirl
David Perry recalls being young and gay in 1980s Washington D.C. and having 'an absolute blast.' He was fresh out of college, raised in Richmond, Virginia, and had long viewed the nation's capital as 'the big city' where he could finally embrace his true self.
He came out of the closet here, got a job at the National Endowment for the Arts where his boss was a gay Republican, and 'lost my virginity in D.C. on August 27, 1980,' he says, chuckling.
The bars and clubs were packed with gay men and women — Republican and Democrat — and almost all of them deep in the closet.
'There were a lot of gay men in D.C., and they all seemed to work for the White House or members of Congress. It was kind of a joke. This was pre-Internet, pre-Facebook, pre-all of that. So people could be kind of on the down-low. You would run into congresspeople at the bar,' Perry says. 'The closet was pretty transparent. It's just that no one talked about it.'
He also remembers a billboard near the Dupont Circle Metro station with a counter ticking off the total number of of AIDS deaths in the District of Columbia.
'I remember when the number was three,' says Perry, 63.
Now Perry, a public relations professional in San Francisco, is part of a generation that can find itself overshadowed amidst the after-parties and DJ sets of World Pride, which wraps up this weekend with a two-day block party on Pennsylvania Avenue. Advocates warn of a quiet crisis among retirement-age LGBTQ+ people and a community at risk of becoming marginalized inside their own community.
'It's really easy for Pride to be about young people and parties,' says Sophie Fisher, LGBTQ program coordinator for Seabury Resources for Aging, a company that runs queer-friendly retirement homes and assisted-living facilities and which organized a pair of Silver Pride events last month for LGBTQ+ people over age 55.
These were 'the first people through the wall' in the battle for gay rights and protections, Fisher says. Now, 'they kind of get swept under the rug.'
Loneliness and isolation
The challenges and obstacles for elderly LGBTQ+ people can be daunting.
'We're a society that really values youth as is. When you throw in LGBTQ on top of that, it's a double whammy,' says Christina Da Costa of the group SAGE — Services and Advocacy for Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Elders. 'When you combine so many factors, you have a population that's a lot less likely to thrive than their younger brethren.'
Older LGBTQ+ people are far more likely to have no contact with their family and less likely to have children to help care for them, Da Costa says. Gay men over 60 are the precise generation that saw their peer group decimated by AIDS. The result: chronic loneliness and isolation.
'As you age, it becomes difficult to find your peer group because you don't go out to bars anymore,' says Yvonne Smith, a 73-year-old D.C. resident who moved to Washington at age 14. 'There are people isolated and alone out there.'
These seniors are also often poorer than their younger brethren. Many were kicked out of the house the moment they came out of the closet, and being openly queer or nonbinary could make you unemployable or vulnerable to firing deep into the 1990s.
'You didn't want to be coming out of a gay bar, see one of your co-workers or one of your students,' Smith says. ' People were afraid that if it was known you were gay, they would lose their security clearance or not be hired at all.'
In April, founders cut the ribbon on Mary's House, a new 15-unit living facility for LGBTQ+ seniors in southeast Washington. These kind of inclusive senior-care centers are becoming an increasing priority for LGBTQ+ elders.
Rayceen Pendarvis, a D.C. queer icon, performer and presenter, says older community members who enter retirement homes or assisted-living centers can face social isolation or hostility from judgmental residents.
'As we age, we lose our peers. We lose our loved ones and some of us no longer have the ability to maintain our homes,' says Pendarvis, who identifies as 'two-spirit' and eschews all pronouns. 'Sometimes they go in, and they go back into the closet. It's very painful for some.'
A generation gap
Perry and others see a clear divide between their generation and the younger LGBTQ+ crowd. Younger people, Perry says, drink and smoke a lot less and do much less bar-hopping in the dating-app age.
Others can't help but gripe a bit about how these youngsters don't know how good they have it.
'They take all these protections for granted,' Smith says.
The younger generation 'got comfortable,' Pendarvis says, and sometimes doesn't fully understand the multigenerational fight that came before.
'We had to fight to get the rights that we have today,' Pendarvis said. 'We fought for a place at the table. We CREATED the table!'
Now that fight is on again as President Donald Trump's administration sets the community on edge with an open culture war targeting trans protections and drag shows, and enforcing a binary view of gender identity.
The struggle against that campaign may be complicated by a quiet reality inside the LGBTQ+ community: These issues remain a topic of controversy among some LGBTQ+ seniors.
Perry said he has observed that some older lesbians remain leery of trans women; likewise, he said, some older gay men are leery of the drag-queen phenomenon.
'There is a good deal of generational sensitivity that needs to be practiced by our older gay brethren,' he says. 'The gender fluidity that has come about in the last 15 years, I would be lying if I said I didn't have to adjust my understanding of it sometimes.'
Despite the internal complexities, many are hoping to see a renewed sense of militancy and street politics in the younger LGBTQ+ generation. Sunday's rally and March for Freedom, starting at the Lincoln Memorial, is expected to be particularly defiant given the 2025 context.
'I think we're going to see a whole new era of activism,' Perry says. 'I think we will find our spine and our walking shoes – maybe orthopedic – and protest again. But I really hope that the younger generation helps us pick up this torch.'
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Telegraph
36 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Trump wants to rip $800bn out of Medicaid. It will punish Maga's poorest
Teresa Mcnab had just come back from taking their 11-year-old daughter to school when she heard her husband fall. She found him seizing on the floor. Jackie had been suffering from blood clots, and despite Mcnab's attempts to resuscitate him while waiting for the ambulance, he was later confirmed dead. He was just 45. 'We had been together for 20 years,' she says. Mcnab and her daughter Faye had to raise funds in order to pay for his burial, at one point selling lemonade to help cover the costs of his gravestone. But one small solace came from Jackie's hospital bills being covered by America's public health insurance programme for people on low incomes, otherwise known as Medicaid. For people like Trump supporter Mcnab in Knox County, Kentucky, this kind of support is vital to keep the threat of financial ruin at bay. It also demonstrates the importance of Medicaid in the poorest parts of rural America. However, that lifeboat may be about to be pulled away as part of Donald Trump's 'big, beautiful bill'. Under the president's proposal, which he wants lawmakers to pass by Friday, July 4, up to $800bn (£600bn) will be cut from the Medicaid budget to help fund $3.7 trillion in tax cuts. Crucially, this will mean that 16m people will lose health insurance by 2034 compared with current projections, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO). And while the bill has been hailed by many on the Right as a tool to boost household income, there are growing fears that Trump's healthcare cuts will target the low-income families who helped to propel him back into the White House. Of the 200 counties with the highest proportion of voters reliant on public health insurance, a staggering 84pc voted for Trump in last year's election. Nowhere exemplifies this contradiction more than Knox County, where 72pc of people backed the Republican presidential candidate. Here, 68pc of the population use some form of public health insurance, and of the 3,142 counties in America, it is one of the top 20 poorest. 'Voters would be mad' These sorts of figures highlight the political risks posed to Trump if he succeeds in passing his healthcare cuts, which edged one step closer on Saturday as Senate Republicans voted narrowly to advance the bill. Steve Bannon, Trump's former chief strategist, has already sounded the alarm by claiming the bill won't succeed 'because Maga is on Medicaid'. However, veteran pollster Frank Luntz says hardcore Trump supporters will back him regardless. 'They'll support whatever he says or does, even cutting their benefits, if they think it will help make America great again,' says Luntz. Though he admits the same may not be true for wavering working-class voters who voted for Trump. 'If there are actual, real, meaningful cuts to Medicaid that voters could see and feel, these voters would be mad,' Luntz adds. 'The Democrats have zero credibility claiming Trump is destroying the economy. But if voters can see and feel the Medicaid cuts, that changes the political calculus completely.' Public health insurance began in America in 1965, when President Lyndon Johnson launched the Medicaid and Medicare programmes. Medicare is a programme for over-65s that is federally funded, whereas Medicaid is an initiative for low-income individuals funded jointly by states and the federal government. Until Barack Obama passed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2010, however, most low-income, non-disabled adults were not eligible for Medicaid unless they had children. Even then, the median income eligibility for parents was just 64pc of the federal poverty line, which as of last year represented an annual income of $15,060. The ACA later allowed states to expand Medicaid provision to adults whose incomes were less than 138pc of the federal poverty line. 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He is likely to lose Medicaid coverage because of the new requirements, although he is not hopeful of finding adequate employment. 'If they want people to work 80 hours a month, they'd need to bring in a lot more jobs,' he says. In rural areas like Knox County, a key barrier for people to finding work is logistics. Bullock might be able to find a job, but he will struggle to get there. He does not own a mobile phone or a car, and there is no public transport. Jennifer Tolbert, the director of state health reform at KFF and deputy director of the firm's Medicaid programme, warns that people aged 55 to 64 who have taken early retirement from physical jobs are the most vulnerable. 'They probably just can't work those jobs any more,' says Tolbert, who adds that they are also in an age bracket that means they are more likely to need healthcare. Tolbert also warns that many people who can meet the work requirements will lose Medicaid simply because of the new burden of paperwork. This includes Mcnab, now 42 and widowed for four years, who gets up at 4.30am every day to work as a full-time cook. She will have no problem meeting the 80-hour work requirement, but she has little time to spare for extra paperwork. 'I take care of my daughter, I take care of my 78-year-old mom, I take care of our home, and half the time I don't even have time for myself,' she says. Another major question is the impact of Medicaid cuts on drug rehabilitation programmes. Chris Ross, 39, is a former drug addict whose life was brought to a 'screeching halt' by substance abuse, as he fell victim to Kentucky's opioid crisis and became homeless. He was just one of many. 'We are plagued with substance abuse,' says Daniel Phipps, the secretary of the Appalachian Restoration Project, which runs drug rehab programmes and helps recovering addicts back into work. It was one of Phipps's programmes that helped to get Ross clean six years ago. He is now married, has custody of his children and works as the project's court liaison. Like the vast majority of the project's patients, his care was funded by Medicaid. 'If I hadn't had Medicaid, I would probably still be homeless,' he says. The public health insurance programme is the bedrock of the project's business, Phipps adds. The Republican bill does exempt people who have a substance use disorder or are participating in rehabilitation programmes from the new work requirements. But the cuts could hit rehab programmes in other ways, says Tolbert. For example, drug addicts may lose their coverage because they cannot meet the reporting requirements, or federal funding cuts will lead to states cutting back on payments for rehab providers. Overall, Tolbert says regional hospitals that cater to low-income communities will be hit hard financially as more people become uninsured, with many set to cut back on staff or services. The political consequences of such changes could be far-reaching. In Knox County, voting Republican is entrenched in the local culture, although such drastic healthcare cuts will no doubt force some people to think again.


Sky News
an hour ago
- Sky News
Elon Musk steps up attacks on Trump once again - as the president fights back
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Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
BREAKING NEWS Trump threatens to turn DOGE on Musk as he warns billionaire will have to 'close up shop and head back to South Africa'
Donald Trump said Elon Musk may get a dose of his own medicine, suggesting that the former 'First Buddy' may have the Department of Government Efficiency turned on himself. The president was responding to Musk's day-long protest over the 'One Big, Beautiful Bill,' which Musk is using to stoke fears of launching a third party to take on Republicans and Democrats. Trump wrote: 'Elon Musk knew, long before he so strongly Endorsed me for President, that I was strongly against the EV Mandate. It is ridiculous, and was always a major part of my campaign. Electric cars are fine, but not everyone should be forced to own one.' He then turned the screws on Musk, suggesting his time benefitting from the U.S. government could be over. 'Elon may get more subsidy than any human being in history, by far, and without subsidies, Elon would probably have to close up shop and head back home to South Africa. No more Rocket launches, Satellites, or Electric Car Production, and our Country would save a FORTUNE. Perhaps we should have DOGE take a good, hard, look at this? BIG MONEY TO BE SAVED!!!' Long-time Trump ally Steve Bannon also ripped Musk for criticizing the president's signature legislation. After weeks of relative silence following a feud with Trump over the legislation, Musk rejoined the debate on Saturday as the Senate took up the package, calling it 'utterly insane and destructive' in a post on social media platform X. On Monday, he ramped up his criticism, saying lawmakers who had campaigned on cutting spending but backed the bill 'should hang their heads in shame!' Donald Trump said Elon Musk may get a dose of his own medicine, suggesting that the former 'First Buddy' may have the Department of Government Efficiency turned on himself 'And they will lose their primary next year if it is the last thing I do on this Earth,' Musk said. The Tesla and SpaceX CEO called again for a new political party, saying the bill's massive spending indicated 'that we live in a one-party country - the PORKY PIG PARTY!!' 'Time for a new political party that actually cares about the people,' he wrote. 'If this insane spending bill passes, the America Party will be formed the next day,' Musk pledged in a post on X Monday evening. 'Our country needs an alternative to the Democrat-Republican uniparty so that the people actually have a Voice,' he added. A few hours before his new pledge to primary Republicans, Musk called out their refusal to pass legislation that he sees as sufficiently conservative via a post on X Monday afternoon, as senators voted on various amendments to Trump's budget package. A full Senate vote on the budget bill is expected either late Monday evening or early Tuesday morning, as President Trump has been pushing Congress to get it to his desk by July 4th. The Senate version of Trump's bill is estimated to add between 3.3 billion and 4.5 billion to the national debt. 'It is obvious with the insane spending of this bill, which increases the debt ceiling by a record Five Trillion Dollars that we live in a one-party country – the Porky Pig Party!!' Musk wrote on X. 'Time for a new political party that actually cares about the people,' Musk added. A few minutes later, Musk also called out several House Republicans who are a part of the conservative 'Freedom Caucus,' for their votes to pass the House version of the bill. 'How can you call yourself the Freedom Caucus if you vote for a Debt Slavery bill with the biggest debt ceiling increase in history? @RepAndyHarrisMD @chiproytx,' Musk wrote, addressing the two GOP lawmakers directly. Musk then escalated his attacks further, pledging to oust Republicans from Congress who vote for the bill. He said that any GOP lawmakers who 'campaigned on reducing government spending and then immediately voted for the biggest debt increase in history' while adding they 'should hang their head in shame!' Musk, the world's richest man now worth over $400 billion, founded the AmericaPAC super pac in 2024. AmericaPAC raised over $260 million last year, and spent it in support of Republicans, many of whom ran in swing districts. Over $88 million went to directly supporting Trump. Musk was rewarded handsomely for his efforts, and spent nearly four months in Trump's White House as a 'special government employee' leading the Department of Government efficiency (DOGE). In that role, he pinpointed many areas where the federal government could make budget cuts, but in Musk's eyes much of that work will be for nothing if the government doesn't curb its record high spending levels. Some libertarian-minded Republicans have previously taken Musk's side in the GOP budget fight. Elon Musk via X Elon Musk via X New additions to the the national debt were have been a non-starter for the likes of Kentucky Republican Rand Paul, who notes that he does want to see the 2017 tax cuts made permanent. Paul also described the current $5 trillion in new debt that the budget bill would add as 'Biden spending levels.' 'This will be the largest increase in the debt ceiling ever in our history. We've never raised the debt ceiling without meeting the target. You can say it doesn't directly add to the debt but if you reach the ceiling you'll meet that. We won't discuss it for a year or two. I think it is a terrible idea to do this' Paul told Fox News earlier in June. Paul has also contrasted the pending package with the funds anticipated to be saved by spending cuts pushed for by DOGE. 'That's more than all the DOGE cuts that we found so far. So, the increase in spending put into this bill exceeds the DOGE cuts. When you look just at the border wall, they have $46.5 billion for the border wall,' Paul said on Face the Nation earlier this month. Utah GOP Senator Mike Lee is another Senate Republican who hasn't fully supported President Donald Trump's 'big, beautiful bill' of a spending package which is currently being voted on in the U.S. Senate after being passed by the House of Representatives back in May. Lee and Musk previously joined forces to describe the bill as 'debt slavery' in a back and forth exchange on X. Musk's criticism of the bill has caused a rift in his relationship with Trump, marking a dramatic shift after the tech billionaire spent nearly $300 million on Trump's re-election campaign and led the administration's controversial Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), a federal cost-cutting initiative. Musk, the world's richest man, has argued that the legislation would greatly increase the national debt and erase the savings he says he has achieved through DOGE. It remains unclear how much sway Musk has over Congress or what effect his opinions might have on the bill's passage. But Republicans have expressed concern that his on-again, off-again feud with Trump could hurt their chances to protect their majority in the 2026 midterm congressional elections. The rift has also led to volatility for Tesla, with shares of the company seeing wild price swings that erased approximately $150 billion of its market value, though it has since recovered.