Underfunding pushes Border Authority to the edge
The Authorities' latest report reveals a R4.5-billion shortfall, just a fraction of the boots and tech it needs.
Security expert Jakkie Cilliers says it's not surprising.
He says the idea was born under the Zuma administration, but is plagued by government incoherence.
"We are at a situation where I think R3.5-billion has been allocated to it, which is completely insufficient," said Jackie Cilliers, chair of the Institute for Security Studies Board of Trustees.
"We have an organisation that is not funded, that is supposed to perform a very necessary function that all the other departments were against, and now we struggle with insufficient funding."
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Daily Maverick
11 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Zuma's endorsement of Moroccan occupation sparks renewed debate on Western Sahara's future
More and more countries — and former SA president Jacob Zuma — are backing Rabat's plan for autonomy for Western Sahara. Former South African president Jacob Zuma's visit to Morocco and endorsement of its continued occupation of Western Sahara as an autonomous region, have rekindled debate about this contentious and ongoing issue. Zuma, who now heads the uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party, met Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita in Rabat last week. Zuma formed MK just before South Africa's national elections last year, as the then-governing ANC was moving to expel him. MK raked in 15% of the vote, contributing to the ANC losing its majority for the first time since 1994. MK cited a long list of explanations for abandoning the cause of Sahrawi independence, which Zuma espoused as president and the ANC still vigorously champions. MK's reasons included pan-Africanism, anti-colonialist solidarity, traditional leadership, territorial integrity and sovereignty. The anti-colonial argument was ironic given that the ANC views Morocco's claim over Western Sahara as colonialism and supports UN efforts to hold a referendum on the issue. Despite the rhetoric, most of Zuma and Morocco's critics — including MK's former secretary-general Floyd Shivambu and ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula — suspect Zuma and MK sold out for money or other material gain. That is certainly credible given Zuma's history of corruption and State Capture while president. Those same critics believe material interests are the main reason Rabat has been making steady progress in switching the allegiance of international and African states. 'With Morocco's typical use of money, I am not surprised by Zuma's move,' a retired South African diplomat told ISS Today. 'He has fallen into Morocco's strategic campaign to get African countries to endorse its plan. 'In effect, Zuma's endorsement changes nothing but causes confusion, which I guess is part of Morocco's intention.' The retired diplomat didn't see the South African government or ANC shifting their positions 'any time soon'. And didn't think this represented new thinking. It was noteworthy, however, that Morocco treated Zuma almost as a foreign minister. This was possibly to embarrass Pretoria, which is among Africa's most ardent supporters of independence for the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Or perhaps the aim was to shift South Africa's position. But Chrispin Phiri, the spokesperson of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation, told ISS Today: 'Our foreign policy is fundamentally shaped by our constitutional values and enduring national interests, not by the transient political manoeuvrings of any single figure or party. 'It's crucial to distinguish between the particular agenda of former president Zuma and his political faction, and the broader, more permanent aspirations of the nation itself. To conflate the two would be an error of the highest order. Mr Zuma and his party, like any political entity, operate as non-state actors.' It is difficult to assess how many states back Morocco's autonomy position. But support is growing internationally with the US, France, Spain, Saudi Arabia, the UAE — and, just this week — Portugal backing Morocco. In Africa the tally is murkier, though experts and media reports suggest Morocco is gaining ground. They indicate it now has around 23 supporters — most in West Africa, versus about 18 countries — mainly in southern Africa, backing Western Sahara independence or at least the right to a referendum on the issue. Significant victory Morocco was reported to have scored a significant victory in May when Kenya, which had hitherto firmly supported the SADR's right to self-determination, expressed its support for Morocco's autonomy plan. Ghana did the same in June. However, the Polisario Front that governs the SADR has also won a few points. This year, its major champion Algeria twice defeated Morocco for African Union (AU) positions, both as AU deputy chair and in retaining North Africa's seat on the Peace and Security Council. Nonetheless, the former South African diplomat said he was surprised by Kenya and Ghana's recent switch. He added that 'countries would have to think deeply and decide whether they would want to undermine African unity, which is one of the foundational principles of the AU'. Liesl Louw-Vaudran, AU expert at the International Crisis Group, says Morocco has made gradual progress in its campaign for recognition of its autonomy position, globally and in Africa. 'And I think Kenya is a very important country, continentally, at the UN and in the AU.' She also believes Rabat has succeeded in neutralising the issue in Africa. In 2018, shortly after Morocco rejoined the AU, Louw-Vaudran and Christian Ani wrote that the AU's decision to largely leave the Western Sahara issue to the UN had been 'a big win for Morocco, which believes the AU-led efforts are biased'. Louw-Vaudran told ISS Today this week that since then, Western Sahara was no longer discussed as a crisis within the AU, including in its Peace and Security Council. 'South Africa… and some other countries are still trying to support Western Sahara, but it's no longer such a huge emotional, explosive issue, because Morocco really is, apart from South Africa, achieving its goal to stifle any debate about the Western Sahara within the AU. It has got more and more countries siding with it, like Kenya now.' Louw-Vaudran said that despite rumours that Morocco would launch a campaign to get the SADR expelled from the AU, it hasn't happened. With strong opposition from the likes of South Africa and Algeria, 'it would be very, very difficult'. Sceptical SADR Foreign Minister Mohamed Beisat is sceptical about claims that Morocco is gaining support for its autonomy plan. He told ISS Today that Kenya and Ghana's reported switches had only been announced in joint statements with Morocco — not in their own statements. He added that it was irrelevant what any other country or leader thought. 'They want the world to vote in the referendum instead of the Sahrawis themselves,' he said, referring to the UN decision that the Sahrawis must hold a referendum to decide on independence, autonomy or integration with Morocco. Morocco now insists that the option of independence is off the table. 'I don't see the point of Mr Zuma to choose for the Sahrawis or Mr Marco Rubio or Mr Macron or Mr Netanyahu or anyone else. The choice is for the Sahrawis.' That is true. But in Zuma's case, it appears that in an increasingly transactional, self-interested world, many countries and others are backing Morocco's plan because it has something concrete to offer — from fertilisers to tourism, fisheries and renewable energies. SADR by comparison, sadly, does not. DM
The Citizen
13 hours ago
- The Citizen
Zuma and MK party contest Ramaphosa's decision to suspend Mchunu
Zuma and the MK party filed an urgent application seeking to invalidate the police minister's leave of absence. Former President Jacob Zuma and the MK party have responded to President Cyril Ramaphosa's answering affidavit, which claims that the MK party is attempting to score political points against him through its Constitutional Court challenge to his decision to place Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on leave. Zuma and the MK party filed an urgent application on 18 July seeking to invalidate Mchunu's leave of absence and Wits law Professor Firoz Cachalia's appointment as acting police minister. Challenge They is also challenging Ramaphosa's establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry to investigate corruption allegations in the police. KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) Provincial Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi made explosive allegations during a media briefing this month, accusing Minister Mchunu and Deputy National Commissioner for Crime Detection, Shadrack Sibiya, of political interference in police operations. ALSO READ: Here's why Zuma's MK party wants Ramaphosa removed in 'urgent' motion of no confidence Dealing with ministers In Ramaphosa's answering affidavit on Wednesday, the president argued that the constitution gives him 'a wide berth as to how to deal with ministers'. 'It is clear that I am empowered to place a minister on special leave when there are serious allegations… so that those allegations can be properly investigated,' said Ramaphosa. 'Where I was not empowered to suspend a minister pending the outcome of an investigation … I would be compelled in all cases, regardless of the circumstances, to dismiss the minister simply on the basis of the allegations … even if they may, on investigation, turn out to be unfounded,' Ramaphosa said. 'Constitutional power' In response to Ramaphosa's answering affidavit, which missed the initial deadlines set by Chief Justice Mandisa Maya, Zuma argues there's no express constitutional power allowing Ramaphosa to impose 'special leave on Mchunu. Zuma said there are details in Ramaphosa's affidavit that Mchunu will return as minister of police after the commission of inquiry. 'There is nothing said in the president's affidavit which justified placing Minister Mchunu on 'special leave' and thereby cause him to retain his ministerial title, salary and other perks or privileges at the expense of the long-suffering taxpayer. 'There is simply no potential that he will ever return to the portfolio of Minister of Police, irrespective of the outcome of the commission of inquiry. That unlikely eventuality may also be subject to the ongoing criminal investigations against him, as well as the outcomes of the Parliamentary Ad Hoc Committee. The ends do not justify the means. All we are left with are ex post facto and Illegal rationalisations,' Zuma said. ALSO READ: 'Ramaphosa will go down in history as one of the most useless presidents' – analyst Whitfield and Mchunu Zuma argues that while DA's Andrew Whitfield did not admit guilt, contrary to the president's claim, the allegations against Whitfield were also untested. 'For a police minister or any minister to collude with criminals is objectively more serious than travelling abroad without permission.' 'It is also plainly false to state that Mr Whitfield ever admitted the allegations against him. The president has produced no evidence of this, Zuma argued. Cachalia In the affidavit, Zuma said Ramaphosa 'openly dodges' the clear distinction between the power to appoint a 'minister' and the different power to appoint an 'acting minister'. 'The two are plainly not the same. The obfuscatory reference to the credentials of Prof Cachalia is nothing but deflection. For the record, no issue is taken against the Professor's credentials… The issue is whether he was constitutionally qualified to be appointed by the president. The answer is that he was not.' Mchunu Zuma's affidavit also takes direct aim at Mchunu's version of events, portraying it as 'evasive and legally flawed.' 'The minister's affidavit is a masterclass in evasion — it skirts the core allegations and offers no constitutional basis for the executive's conduct. The minister's affidavit is riddled with deflection and fails to confront the gravity of the allegations raised by Lieutenant General Mkhwanazi.' Judicial commission Zuma's argument about the Judicial Commission of Inquiry is sharply focused on its judicial nature and the risk of bias. While Zuma does not oppose the idea of a commission itself — and agrees it may be necessary — what he challenges is the appointment of a judge (Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga) to chair it, given that the judiciary is among the institutions implicated by Mkhwanazi. 'It is irrational and unconstitutional to appoint a judge to chair a commission that is mandated to investigate allegations implicating members of the judiciary. This violates the principle that no one should be a judge in their own cause.' Impartiality Zuma wraps up his argument by framing the challenge not as defiance, but as a constitutional safeguard — emphasising fairness and legality in the mechanisms of oversight. 'I make this application not to avoid accountability, but to ensure that the process by which accountability is demanded is itself lawful, impartial, and consistent with the constitution.' Zuma argued that appointing a judge to lead a commission investigating the judiciary violates the constitutional principle of impartiality — specifically, that 'no one should be a judge in their own cause.' ALSO READ: MK party slams Ramaphosa over missed Mandela Day deadline
TimesLIVE
20 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Just what is Zuma's motive for Morocco visit?
Last week, former president Jacob Zuma quietly travelled to Morocco, where he declared support — albeit in his capacity as MK Party president — for the country's colonial domination over the people of Western Sahara. During a televised meeting with a delegation of the Moroccan government, with the South African flag as a crucial backdrop, Zuma said Morocco must retain sovereignty over Western Sahara. The MK Party, through Zuma's comrade and nephew Magasela Mzobe, announced a policy position aimed at bringing about a practical solution to the long-standing conflict over Western Sahara's independence. 'While taking into account the growing international and continental support that the Moroccan autonomy proposal has gained over the past couple of years, our party believes that this proposal allows for significant local governance by the people of the Sahara region, while (also) ensuring that Morocco retains its crucial sovereignty over the Sahara region. 'This approach offers a balanced path forward that promotes both stability, peace and development in the region. We call on the international community to support Morocco's autonomy plan as a possible effective way to ensure peace, stability and prosperity for the people of Western Sahara. Our party recognises this historical and legal context that underpins Morocco's claim to Western Sahara and views that Morocco's effort to reclaim its full territorial integrity aligns with our commitment to preserving the sovereignty and the unity of the African state,' Mzobe said on behalf of Zuma. This statement has obviously triggered a lot of emotion for many in South Africa, none more so than the ANC — a party with which Zuma has been fighting tooth and nail to regain his membership. Not long after the televised address, the ANC released a statement condemning the use of the national flag as part of the theatrics. 'This reckless and provocative act constitutes a flagrant violation of international diplomatic norms and an unacceptable intrusion into South Africa's internal political affairs. It is a dangerous attempt to delegitimise our constitutional order and discredit the authority of a democratically elected government. The inclusion of our national symbols in partisan activities hosted by foreign powers is not only misleading but also part of a broader agenda of foreign interference,' the ANC wrote. The ANC called out Zuma as being shameful, betraying its historical mission and showing his true colours. The recently ousted secretary-general of the MK Party, Floyd Shivambu, felt vindicated after having accused the Moroccan government of trying to buy Zuma's support by offering money in exchange for support for its actions in Western Sahara. The ANC during the Zuma years resolved to intensify the call for the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara, with a view to enable these countries and people to effectively exercise sovereignty. In the AU, South Africa has frequently raised concerns about Morocco's admission to the body. Some may call the former statesman a sellout, but to others, this came as no surprise. In 2004, during the Thabo Mbeki era, the Moroccan government recalled its ambassador from South Africa when the then-president recognised the Western Sahara. Zuma, shortly before his exit from office in 2017, publicly went against the ANC position, resetting relations with the North African country. In an interview with the City Press at the time, Zuma said: 'Morocco is an African nation and we need to have relations with them ... We never had problems with them anyway; they were the first to withdraw diplomatic relations ... They [Morocco] felt that even if we differ on the Western Sahara issues, the two countries should have a relationship.' Despite this deviation from established ANC policy, the party cowered under pressure, standing behind its president as it had done by protecting Zuma one scandal after another. Reacting to Zuma at the time, the ANC said there was no ANC policy to isolate Morocco. Whether Zuma's recent actions are, if Shivambu is believed, a consequence of transactional politics or are merely aligned with his historical views which run counter to ANC policy, will be hard to ascertain. What is clear though is that Zuma has been consistent in his flip-flopping. We should have seen it coming. If Zuma could defy the ANC by setting up meetings with the Moroccans as its president, what would prevent him from further solidifying that relationship with his own MK Party stokvel? What must worry us is the patent abuse of the South African flag, our national symbol. Whether this is because of 30 pieces of silver is neither here nor there. Zuma is free to pursue whatever agenda at a cost — what he must never pretend to do is represent the will of the South African people. The flag that should have went up in been displayed at that meeting with his handlers in Morocco is the MK Party flag.
