
Arab League chief warns of rising religious intolerance in Cairo forum address
Aboul Gheit said that Islamophobia is a dangerous and growing issue that undermines the values of coexistence and mutual respect, the Kuwait News Agency reported.
He said that its root causes lie in incitement, a lack of understanding of Islamic values, and the false association of Islam with terrorism.
The Arab League chief also said that biased media coverage, which amplifies errors and promotes negative stereotypes, fuels extremist discourse and divides communities.
Aboul Gheit highlighted the role of traditional and digital media in fostering tolerance and diversity, and called for a comprehensive response involving governments, international organizations, and civil society, the KUNA added.
He highlighted the Arab League's earlier resolutions condemning religious intolerance.
The conference in Cairo brought together representatives from the Arab League; Islamic World Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; Al-Azhar; Christian institutions; and numerous Arab states to discuss strategies for promoting dialogue, understanding, and peaceful coexistence.
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Arab News
6 hours ago
- Arab News
Arab League chief warns of rising religious intolerance in Cairo forum address
LONDON: Ahmed Aboul Gheit, secretary-general of the Arab League, called for wider efforts to combat Islamophobia during a speech at the International Conference on Combating Hatred against Islam in Cairo on Tuesday. Aboul Gheit said that Islamophobia is a dangerous and growing issue that undermines the values of coexistence and mutual respect, the Kuwait News Agency reported. He said that its root causes lie in incitement, a lack of understanding of Islamic values, and the false association of Islam with terrorism. The Arab League chief also said that biased media coverage, which amplifies errors and promotes negative stereotypes, fuels extremist discourse and divides communities. Aboul Gheit highlighted the role of traditional and digital media in fostering tolerance and diversity, and called for a comprehensive response involving governments, international organizations, and civil society, the KUNA added. He highlighted the Arab League's earlier resolutions condemning religious intolerance. The conference in Cairo brought together representatives from the Arab League; Islamic World Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; Al-Azhar; Christian institutions; and numerous Arab states to discuss strategies for promoting dialogue, understanding, and peaceful coexistence.


Arab News
7 hours ago
- Arab News
The Sudan-Egypt-Libya border ‘triangle of fire'
On a scorching morning in early June, the border triangle where Sudan, Egypt and Libya meet appeared calm as usual. Yet, beneath that stillness, the embers of a hidden conflict were about to ignite. On June 6, a serious clash occurred when a unit from the Subul Al-Salam Battalion, which is affiliated with the forces led by Khalifa Haftar, advanced 3 km into Sudanese territory near Jabal Al-Uwaynat. The Libyan force encountered Sudanese elements from the joint forces, backed by the Sudanese army. Soon after, a video surfaced showing a Rapid Support Forces commander ordering his men to retreat from Egyptian territory, affirming: 'This is not our land.' This was no isolated incident — it was a clear signal of the increasingly entangled front lines between Sudan, Egypt and Libya, and of the Sudanese civil war spilling into a broader regional arena. The border triangle — also adjacent to northern Chad — is one of the region's most geopolitically sensitive areas. This remote desert expanse is a porous corridor for smuggling networks and transnational armed groups. Following the Qaddafi regime's collapse in 2011, it became a hotbed of lawlessness and a junction for arms, gold and drug smuggling, as well as irregular migrant trafficking. The discovery of gold flowing from northern Darfur through Libya and Niger to Mauritania between 2011 and 2014 added more fuel to the conflict over smuggling routes. The reaction to last month's incident was swift. The Sudanese army issued a statement the next day, accusing Haftar's forces of collaborating with the Rapid Support Forces in attacking Sudanese military positions, forcing them to evacuate. Meanwhile, on June 11, the militia announced via Telegram that it had gained full control of the area. This confirmed that control of the triangle had shifted to the Rapid Support Forces and its allies — an important shift in the course of the Sudanese war. Haftar's Libyan National Army denied Sudan's accusations, calling them an attempt to 'confuse the situation and export Sudan's internal crisis.' Haftar's command urged the Sudanese army not to drag it into the conflict. Haftar appears to view Sudan not just as a neighbor, but as a vulnerable flank ripe for exploitation. He sees in Rapid Support Forces leader Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, aka Hemedti, a useful ally, especially since his group controls major gold mines in Darfur and Kordofan, with their proceeds funding his war effort. As a result, the alliance has turned southern Libya and the border triangle into part of Sudan's war theater. Libya's involvement is not ideological or official but is driven by military and commercial interests. It also offers geopolitical leverage — Haftar's influence along the Chad-Sudan frontier strengthens his regional hand. These developments place Egypt in a sensitive position. Cairo maintains a close relationship with Haftar, whom it sees as a key ally for stability in eastern Libya and securing its western border. At the same time, it backs the Sudanese army under Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan as the legitimate authority and a bulwark against Sudanese chaos. Reports of Haftar-backed forces supporting the Rapid Support Forces present Egypt with a dilemma. Securing the southern border with Sudan is a top priority for Egypt's national security. President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi has warned that state collapse or the spread of militias in Sudan would directly threaten Egypt. An escalation in northern Sudan could trigger refugee waves and the infiltration of armed or terrorist elements. Egypt was alarmed by the images of clashes involving Libyan forces allied to it and a Sudanese militia it considers a red line. Rapid Support Forces consolidation in the triangle poses a threat to Egypt's national security, especially given its mistrust of the militia. Cairo is also wary of alienating Haftar. Egypt has invested politically and militarily in Haftar's forces to stabilize its western border and contain any spillover from Libya. Analysts suggest Egypt has adopted a pragmatic tactic. Publicly, it issued a diplomatic statement urging 'restraint and respect for Sudan's sovereignty,' without directly naming Haftar. Behind the scenes, it is believed to have taken steps to prevent future incidents. Egyptian experts warn that Cairo must act before Hemedti solidifies his foothold. A prolonged Rapid Support Forces presence could turn the triangle into a forward base or haven for mercenaries, complicating efforts to dislodge them. These developments are tied to intense diplomatic activity. In the last week of June, high-level meetings directly linked to the crisis took place. On June 30, El-Sisi received Haftar in the coastal city of El-Alamein. The Egyptian president reiterated that 'Libya's stability is an integral part of Egypt's national security.' Though the official statement focused on Libya, analysts believe the Sudanese file was central in the closed-door talks. This remote desert expanse is a porous corridor for smuggling networks and transnational armed groups. Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy The same day, Al-Burhan made an unannounced arrival in Cairo from Spain. He held an urgent meeting with El-Sisi in El-Alamein, where they discussed military developments in the triangle. El-Sisi reaffirmed Egypt's support for Sudan's unity and expressed readiness to assist the Sudanese people. Sudanese sources said the meeting focused primarily on the 'border triangle crisis' and ways for Cairo and Khartoum to coordinate. The simultaneous presence of Haftar and Al-Burhan in Egypt likely was not coincidental. Diplomatic sources suggest Cairo attempted to arrange a backchannel meeting to ease tensions. However, broader calculations may have prevented a direct encounter. Still, Egypt's message was clear: Haftar must proceed cautiously and Al-Burhan has Cairo's backing. Meanwhile, in mid-June, Hemedti issued remarks following his forces' capture of the triangle and another zone called Karb Al-Toum in northern Darfur. He stated: 'Some parties tried to drive a wedge between me and Cairo — they will not succeed anymore.' This was seen as an attempt to win Egypt over by signaling that he does not seek confrontation. These developments reveal Egypt is walking a delicate diplomatic tightrope. It reassures Al-Burhan of Cairo's support, reminds Haftar of their partnership and subtly warns Hemedti. Egypt now finds itself balancing two allies — Haftar in the west and Al-Burhan in the south — while trying to prevent their conflict from becoming its own.


Arab News
a day ago
- Arab News
Syria at a crossroads
Syria today stands on the cusp of a transformative chapter in its modern history. More than seven months after the ousting of Bashar Assad, the country has sworn in a new transitional government led by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, marking a significant departure from decades of autocratic rule. The new leadership has promised inclusivity and reform, appointing a diverse Cabinet that, for the first time, includes women and representatives of minority groups. One such appointment, Hind Kabawat as minister of social affairs, signals a break from past patterns of exclusion. The regional response has been swift and, in many ways, optimistic. Arab capitals, once divided over how to deal with Damascus, are now reengaging with renewed purpose. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have announced debt relief and economic assistance packages. Tunisia, Egypt and Jordan have exchanged high-level visits, while Qatar has signaled conditional openness pending progress on political inclusivity and refugee return. Meanwhile, the UK has reestablished full diplomatic ties with Damascus and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in May met his Syrian counterpart in Antalya, Turkiye. These moves reflect a broader recalibration in regional politics. Rather than isolating Syria indefinitely, Arab states are now betting that constructive engagement may offer a more effective route to stability. But this raises a crucial question: Will normalization catalyze real reform or simply entrench the status quo under a new name? There are reasons for cautious optimism. The new Syrian government, backed by a coalition of opposition groups and civil society figures, has laid out a transitional roadmap that includes constitutional reform, the decentralization of power and the phased return of refugees in cooperation with UN agencies. Local reconciliation efforts are underway in formerly besieged areas like Deraa and Eastern Ghouta, while independent media outlets have cautiously resumed operations under a new press law passed in March. Internationally, Syria's foreign policy posture is also shifting. Damascus has signaled openness to rejoining global institutions and has expressed an interest in negotiating a framework for peace with Israel — though talks remain in their infancy. Meanwhile, the Syrian Democratic Forces have agreed to a partial integration with the Syrian army under a unified military command, part of a broader security sector reform process that is seen as key to long-term stability. Despite these steps, deep skepticism remains. Critics argue that without meaningful accountability for past atrocities, normalization could whitewash systemic abuses and undermine the pursuit of justice. Families of detainees and victims of war crimes have voiced concerns that the Arab League's embrace of Damascus may have come too soon — before meaningful progress on human rights is achieved. Arab states are betting that constructive engagement may offer a more effective route to stability. Hani Hazaimeh Moreover, the country's economic recovery remains fragile. Syria's infrastructure is shattered, unemployment is high and inflation has driven much of the population into poverty. Billions of dollars in reconstruction aid are needed, but many Western governments are conditioning support on further political liberalization and the protection of civil liberties. There is also concern that regional powers may prioritize stability over reform — engaging with Damascus to curb foreign influence or to stem refugee flows, while turning a blind eye to domestic stagnation. The challenge, therefore, is to ensure that normalization is not an end in itself, but a lever to drive real change. The future of Syria is not just a Syrian question — it is a regional imperative. A stable, sovereign and inclusive Syria could help contain cross-border militancy, revitalize trade corridors and restore a degree of political coherence to the Levant. But if normalization merely restores a rebranded autocracy, it risks perpetuating the conditions that led to Syria's implosion in the first place. Arab states now face a delicate balancing act: how to engage constructively with Damascus while insisting on measurable progress toward political transition, the rule of law and reconciliation. The international community, for its part, must continue to support Syrian civil society, empower local governance and advocate for the rights of refugees and displaced persons. Syria's return to the Arab fold presents both an opportunity and a test. If managed responsibly, normalization could offer a lifeline to a country ravaged by war, helping it rebuild institutions and reclaim its place in the region. But if approached with complacency or driven by narrow geopolitical interests, it risks legitimizing stagnation and silencing the voices of those who demand dignity, justice and freedom. Syria is at a crossroads. What happens next will determine whether it finally steps onto the path of national healing or remains trapped in a cycle of broken promises.