
Not found suitable: Reality of Dalit, Adivasi and OBCs in Indian universities
Last week, while responding to a question from Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Jha, the Centre informed the RS that 80 per cent of the posts sanctioned in central universities for professors under the OBC category and nearly 83 per cent in the Scheduled Tribe (ST) category are currently vacant. However, there is no centralised data on 'not found suitable' (NFS). It was recently reported that the University of Delhi snubbed a scientist belonging to the SC community as NFS to be promoted as professor. Similar instances could also be found during direct recruitments for reserved positions. The Registrar of Rajasthan Central University, in a notification dated May 29, provided a list of selected candidates for teaching positions. More than 50 per cent of positions were declared 'NFS' — 11 among them belong to SC/ST/OBC and EWS (two positions) categories at various levels. The data provided fails to mention the number of women candidates from these communities who have been declared NFS.
The data compiled on higher education reveals that increasing numbers of SC/ST and OBC candidates are accessing higher education institutions. So, it is not the lack of 'qualified' and eligible candidates that keeps these seats vacant. According to German philosopher Jürgen Habermas, universities carry the seeds of the reproduction of social life-worlds and hence, constant vigilance is required to unleash its transformative potential. Similarly, sociologist Pierre Bourdieu emphasised that education plays a key role in maintaining the status quo
, thereby perpetuating existing social inequalities. This is apparent in the deeply hierarchical Indian society.
In public institutions, due to constitutional provisions, reservation has become mandatory, but a line needs to be drawn when it comes to teaching appointments/promotions. Only through promotions will the candidates from the marginalised communities be able to become associate professors, professors, deans and heads of the departments. This is the only way to ensure their active participation in decision-making bodies. However, 'casteplaining' prevalent in academia doesn't let this happen. Recently, Bangalore University was in the news as Dalit faculty alleged that despite having served in administrative roles for several years, alongside their teaching responsibilities, they are being 'sidelined' in appointments to statutory positions and are being given only 'supervisory' roles without adequate authority or recognition.
Academia involves not only the attainment of relevant knowledge but also the grasping of soft skills such as mannerisms, clothing, diction, etc. This cultural capital, or the lack of it, becomes difficult to navigate during the selection process. Women candidates lose out if their speech or body language is seen as aggressive. Such candidates seem to disturb the equanimity of the department. I was part of an interview panel to select assistant professors for a private university. A Dalit woman candidate had a good grasp of the subject matter but lacked a polished English accent. The head of the panel observed that she would not be able to 'manage' the class as her speaking skills were limited. The class had students from management and commerce backgrounds from affluent families. Hence, even after recruitment, many were asked to perform more administrative duties than classroom teaching.
Another bone of contention during the selection process is the quality of publications, which are subjective in nature. The publishing field is an exclusive zone, and very few students have the wherewithal to publish in 'reputed'/'impact factor' journals. Support of the research supervisor/mentors/peer group is vital in getting published, as one needs the right academic network to get labelled a good scholar. For the past few years, UGC has published the Care List of journals, and only those publications have been given weightage. Many journals that dealt with caste, gender, marginality, exclusion, etc., were removed from the list. Often, dubious and predatory journals had a higher 'impact factor' than scholarly ones such as the Economic and Political Weekly. Many were forced to pay to get the required scores. Even after the applications are screened by a duly constituted committee, the interview panel can refuse to recognise the publications commenting on their quality, language and content.
What has seldom been acknowledged in the recruitment process are the ideological affiliations of the institutions/candidates. This is also a major reason for candidates being declared NFS. In the majority of the selection committees, experts constitute a small pool, belonging to the dominant communities, while exercising their caste and gender privileges. In DU colleges, the same set of experts is called to conduct the interviews, which raises questions of impartiality and fairness of the selection process. In DU and JNU, many teachers who protested against the institution were denied promotions for many years, citing flimsy reasons. The situation in regional and state universities is even worse.
Journalist and author Isabel Wilkerson succinctly observed that when an 'accident of birth' aligns with what is most valued in a given caste system — being able-bodied, male, white, or other such traits — it becomes their moral duty to develop empathy for those who must endure the indignities they have been spared. It calls for a radical kind of empathy. This implies that as a society, we need to relearn a new consciousness, to understand another's experience from their perspective, not as we imagine. Only through such engagements can we rebuild institutions based on equality and fraternity, and the objective of social justice be attained.
The writer is professor in Political Science, Department of Political Science, University of Delhi. He is the author of Caste Discrimination and Exclusion in Indian Universities: A Critical Reflection (Routledge)

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