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Hungary's infamous ban on LGBTQ+ content deemed to be violation of EU law

Hungary's infamous ban on LGBTQ+ content deemed to be violation of EU law

The Journal05-06-2025
A HUNGARIAN LAW that harshly restricts access to LGBTQ-related content is a violation of European Union law, according to the Advocate General of the EU's Court of Justice.
By banning content about LGBTQ+ sexualities and gender identities from being available to under-18s, Hungary is infringing on the treaty that sets out the EU's fundamental principles, the
Advocate General's formal legal opinion
stated.
The Treaty of the European Union outlines that the EU is 'founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities'.
By calling into question the equality of LGBTQ+ people, Hungary has 'negated' several of the EU's fundamental values, Advocate General Tamara Ćapeta said.
It has also 'significantly deviated from the model of a constitutional democracy'.
In 2021, Hungary's parliament passed a bill that
effectively banned communicating with children and teenagers about sexual orientations and gender identities
.
The impacts affected education programmes, meaning students could not be educated about LGBTQ+ identities, and media like books and movies, including movies that depict LGBTQ+ being classified as 18+.
The European Commission brought an infringement action before the Court of Justice against Hungary over the law and Ćapeta has now set out her legal opinion that the Court rule the action is well-founded.
She said the legislation infringed on the freedom enshrined in EU law to provide and receive services.
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It also interferes with fundamental rights protected by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, namely the prohibition of discrimination on grounds of sex and sexual orientation; respect for private and family life; freedom of expression and information; and the right to human dignity.
Capéta said these interferences cannot be justified by the reasons put forward by Hungary, which tried to argue for the law on the basis of protection of the 'healthy development of minors' and the 'right of parents to raise their children according to their personal convictions'.
The Advocate General said the Hungarian legislation is not limited to shielding minors from pornographic content, which was already prohibited by the law in Hungary prior to the 2021 legislation, and goes as far as prohibiting the portrayal of ordinary lives of LGBTQ+ people.
She said that Hungary has not offered any proof of a potential risk of harm of content that portrays ordinary lives of LGBTQ+ people to the healthy development of minors and that consequently, its legislation is 'based on a value judgment that homosexual and non-cisgender life is not of equal value or status as heterosexual and cisgender life'.
The EU legal system recognises that there can be different visions among member states about how common values should be implemented in practice, and that disagreements about fundamental rights should not result in a finding of an infringement of the Treaty of the European Union.
However, Hungary's actions in this case are not a matter of a 'disagreement', Capéta said.
She said that LGBTQ+ people being deserving of equal respect in member states is 'not open to contestation through dialogue'.
She said:
Disrespect and marginalisation of a group in a society are the 'red lines' imposed by the values of equality, human dignity and respect for human rights.
As such, 'by calling into question the equality of LGBTI persons, Hungary is not demonstrating a disagreement or a divergence about the content of the values of the European Union'.
'Instead, that Member State has negated several of those fundamental values and, thus, has significantly deviated from the model of a constitutional democracy, reflected in Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union.'
An Advocate General's opinion is not binding on the Court of Justice but gives the Court a proposed legal solution to cases it is responsible for.
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'Weeping for this country': Struggle continues in Hungary as Ireland joins Europe in stance against anti-LGBT+ bill
The judges of the court are now beginning deliberations on the case.
If the Court of Justice finds a member state has failed to fulfil obligations of EU law, the the country must comply with the Court's judgment 'without delay' or face further action like financial penalties.
'No place in the EU'
Dávid Vig, director of Amnesty International Hungary, said the Advocate General's opinion 'made it clear the [anti-LGBTQ+] law has no place in Hungary and the European Union'.
'The discriminatory law violates several human rights and promotes the idea that the life of LGBTI people is not of equal value,' Vig said.
In March of this year, the Hungarian parliament passed legislation that restricts freedom of assembly and
consequently prohibited LGBTQ+ Pride marches
.
LGBTQ+ rights organisation ILGA-Europe said the today's opinion from the Advocate General should mean the anti-Pride legislation is also considered to be violating EU law.
'The AG's opinion is very clear in that Hungary breaches EU law and the Treaties by enacting the anti-LGBTI legislation from 2021,' said ILGA-Europe's advocacy director Katrin Hugendubel.
'The new package of amendments adopted this year to criminalise Pride marches and their organisers builds directly on that unlawful legislation and must therefore also be considered a violation of EU law.'
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Letters to the Editor, July 3rd: On enticing developers, bedsits, Ukraine and Kneecap
Letters to the Editor, July 3rd: On enticing developers, bedsits, Ukraine and Kneecap

Irish Times

time28 minutes ago

  • Irish Times

Letters to the Editor, July 3rd: On enticing developers, bedsits, Ukraine and Kneecap

Sir, – Lorcan Sirr's article (' If long-term renting is such a good solution, why don't more politicians do it ?', July 1st) invites challenge across a number of key elements. Sirr claims that 14 per cent of higher income Irish renters spend more than 30 per cent of their income on rent, versus 3 per cent elsewhere – but offers no source. These percentages depend heavily on which countries are included: Ireland's higher living costs skew the average. A more apples to apples comparison – say among the EU 15 – shows Irish rent-to-income ratios are above average, but not significantly so. Sirr's framing exaggerates the disparity. He goes on to characterise Government strategy as 'let rents rise to attract investors, then build supply to bring rents down'. This is a caricature. READ MORE Government policy includes major subsidies for cost rental, increased public capital for social and affordable homes and targeted institutional investment to fund supply. Institutional investment hasn't been a driver of rent inflation – it has responded to demand and under-supply, not caused it. A critical omission in the writer's piece is any mention of institutional investors' role in the for-sale market. Across Europe and in Ireland, these investors back the delivery of homes for purchase, funding large-scale apartment and housing developments that are then sold to individuals, first-time buyers and owner-occupiers. This model reduces developer risk and brings forward supply. Ignoring this makes his argument against 'the investment model' incomplete, selective and unfair. He cites inspection failure rates without acknowledging that increased inspections naturally uncover more issues, or that enforcement and funding have improved in recent years. Again, it's a one-sided narrative. Suggesting housing policy lacks legitimacy unless politicians themselves rent long-term is more rhetorical than serious. Housing policy should be judged on outcomes and delivery, not on whether TDs rent or own. Sirr's critique taps into valid public frustration but misleads by leaving out key context, cherry-picking data, and ignoring the evolving and broader role of private capital in housing delivery. – Yours, etc, PAT FARRELL, CEO, Irish Institutional Property, Dublin. Sir, – Lorcan Sirr calls for more regulation of the Irish rental market, despite the dramatic reduction in the number of rental properties and landlords since the introduction of rent controls and heavy rental market regulations in 2016. Landlords have lost significant control over their properties in an ever-changing regulatory environment, but the left is seldom satisfied no matter how draconian or how restrictive the regulations are from the perspective of the property owner. In late 2016 rent controls were introduced for the private rental market in Ireland. At that time the Residential Tenancies Board (RTB) said there were 319,822 private rented tenancies. By the end of 2024, the RTB said the number remaining was down to 240,964. Stringent rent regulations have driven capital investment out of Ireland in search of more reasonable investment markets elsewhere, logically. Smaller landlords have sold up in their droves. Economists and investors warned of significant negative investment consequences at the time of the introduction of rent controls. Investors have now been regulated into submission – and they have gone away, you know. What was predicted has ensued. There is no doubt now that rent controls discourage private investors from funding the construction of new homes and they drive current investors and landlords out of the market, thereby reducing the supply of housing required to provide accommodation in an era of strong population growth with long term inward migration flows. Many people want to come to Ireland to share in our prosperity and they want homes built to rent or to buy so that they can settle here for the long term. To grow this country's housing stock at the level required over the next 5-10 years will require in the range of ¤20-25 billion per year of new investment. State funding and Lorcan Sirr's proposed Irish savers housing fund will not be nearly sufficient to deliver the housing investment needed for the medium to long term. The taxpayer and the Irish saver, together with severe regulations, will not solve the housing crisis. The private sector is the key to unlocking mass housing supply. Approximately ¤10-15 billion of private sector investment is likely required in this country every year to build the homes we need. More rental market regulation will not help – overburdensome regulations, high taxation on small landlords and ritual anti-landlord sentiment have truly come home to roost in Ireland. – Yours, etc, MARK MOHAN, Dublin 15. Sir, – Michael McDowell (' Folly of abolishing bedsits ,' July 1st) reminds us again of the folly of getting rid of bedsits. Many people, this writer included, remember happy days lived in places deemed to be unsuitable by today's standards. I recall to this day visiting a house set in bedsits in Rathmines with a judge who wanted to help one of the residents I knew. We were sitting in cramped accommodation, having a mug of tea and discussing the topics of the day, when a man from another nearby bedsit dropped in. The man we were visiting nodded to his friend and said: 'Sure, judge we are as happy as Larry here aren't we, what more do we want'? The 'cure is worse than the disease' comes to mind when decisions are made at times, without looking at the wider picture. Getting rid of bedsits clearly is a good example. – Yours, etc, ALICE LEAHY, Director of Services, Alice Leahy Trust, Dublin 8. Cutting off Kneecap Sir, – Long seen as one of the free world's great independent broadcasters, it was disappointing to see the BBC bowing to political pressure from UK prime minister Keir Starmer and others with their decision not to livestream Kneecap from the Glastonbury festival at the weekend. It was somewhat ironic that, in their zeal to cut Kneecap off, Bob Vylan, a performer I had never heard of, managed to sneak in under the radar, much now to the embarrassment of BBC director-general Tim Davie. – Yours, etc, JOHN GLENNON, Co Wicklow. Sir, – Instead of pursuing Kneecap and Bob Vylan for possible hate crime, surely it is time that the British government and, for that matter, the Trump administration, call out the Israel Defense Forces. The Israeli army persists in supporting marauding Israeli settlers in the West Bank who are illegally terrorising Palestinian residents. Then there are their daily amoral attacks in Gaza, where it appears they are using the residents, civilians they insist on calling suspects, for target practice. This has to be called out for what it is . The British government should spend less time worrying about rock stars and their stage shows and more time using what influence they have to stop what more and more countries are now acknowledging to be a genocide. – Yours, etc, HUGH DALY, Dún Laoghaire, Dublin. Voting rights and the diaspora Sir, – I wholly disagree with Ciarán Scally's view on Irish citizens voting from abroad ( Letters, July 2nd). I am an Irish citizen, born in Ireland, who then moved abroad during childhood to Canada, as many did during the late 1980s. We came 'home' every summer and I returned myself to go to college and stayed in Ireland. We became naturalised citizens and hold dual citizenship. I go to Canada every summer and have family still living there. While I enjoy my summer visits, and I have a right to vote in elections, I have never done so. I don't feel that I have a right to exercise my preference when I really don't suffer the consequences of it, even in the very recent tight federal election, where of course I had an opinion, but I did not vote. There are more Irish citizens abroad than at home and this could have a huge impact on current politics, but the ones abroad don't live with the consequences. Do they really understand the full nuances of current day to day living in Ireland? Maybe, but more likely not. If we look at current US politics, as an example, where many many Irish citizens live, would we want to risk a far right vote which, though there is now an element of in society, we haven't really seen in voting? Is their a perception of Ireland and Northern Ireland, for example, an 'Irish one' or an 'Irish American one' which really are two distinctly separate cultures? Those who leave Ireland are also paying no tax to Ireland, unlike requirements in other jurisdictions such as the US, which offer ex-pat voting – and that then is possibly a different issue. When you move abroad, there are changes to life and in deciding to leave Ireland not being able to vote is one of them, and rightly so – you can't have your cake and eat it. – Yours, etc, NIAMH BYRNE, Fairview, Dublin 3, Sir, – Once again the issue of voting rights for those living in Northern Ireland and the 'diaspora' is being raised. There is a key principle here and we should stick with it. There are many people who do not live in the State but are part of the nation. I respect absolutely their Irishness and their right to so identify. However, the laws and jurisdiction of the Republic only apply in this State. Therefore, a vote on our government structures should be held and exercised by those living in the State or who are external to it for short periods. 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Tánaiste to meet Welsh First Minister Eluned Morgan for annual forum
Tánaiste to meet Welsh First Minister Eluned Morgan for annual forum

RTÉ News​

time2 hours ago

  • RTÉ News​

Tánaiste to meet Welsh First Minister Eluned Morgan for annual forum

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European Commission plans to allow countries to buy their way out of missing climate targets
European Commission plans to allow countries to buy their way out of missing climate targets

The Journal

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  • The Journal

European Commission plans to allow countries to buy their way out of missing climate targets

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