
Russian Drone and Missile Strikes on Kyiv Kill at Least 14
Air raid sirens blared for nearly 10 hours in Kyiv, as residents endured an all too familiar soundtrack: the buzz of attack drones flying over neighborhoods, the staccato of heavy machine guns trying to shoot them down and the thud of air-defense missiles trying to intercept Russian missiles.
As dawn broke, thick plumes of black smoke rose over the capital, and the acrid smell of burning hung heavy in the air. Damage was reported at more than a dozen sites across Kyiv, with several residential buildings in flames or gutted. More than 40 people were injured, officials said.
'Today, Kyiv endured another difficult night,' Tymur Tkachenko, the head of the Kyiv City Military Administration, wrote on social media. 'Another attack, more wounded, destroyed homes, human suffering and anxiety. Search and rescue operations under the rubble are ongoing.'
Videos and images shared by residents and lawmakers after the attack showed a section of a multistory residential building collapsed, leaving a gaping hole in the apartment block. The local authorities warned that some victims might still be trapped under the rubble.
It was unclear where exactly the 14 fatalities occurred across the capital. But Mayor Vitali Klitschko also said a 62-year-old U.S. citizen was found dead in the Solomianskyi district, near the city center, though it was not immediately clear if his death was linked to the attack.
Tuesday's attack was the latest in a series of Russian air assaults that have intensified in recent weeks. Russia now regularly launches hundreds of drones at night in an effort to overwhelm Ukraine's air defenses, before firing missiles that are more difficult to intercept.
The attack further dimmed already fragile hopes for a cease-fire. It came as world leaders gathered at the Group of 7 summit in Canada, where the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, was set to push for tougher sanctions on Russia and increased aid for his battered country.
Mr. Zelensky had also been expected to meet President Trump on the sidelines of the meeting, but the American leader left the summit late on Monday and returned to Washington.
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To do that, he should empower a small team in the White House expressly dedicated to helping Ukraine improve its position in the war. I was part of the effort to help Ukraine during the Biden administration, and I saw how important the White House's day-to-day engagement was in generating options and solving problems. In January 2023, when I was serving on the National Security Council, the administration estimated that for a major counteroffensive, Ukraine would need about 750,000 rounds of 155-millimeter artillery. The problem was that the United States did not have anything close to that. The U.S. was producing only about 14,000 rounds a month—enough for a couple of normal days in the war. The National Security Council set up a small unit to find a solution. It quickly zeroed in on South Korea, which had a robust defense industry and large stockpiles of munitions in case of conflict with North Korea. But there was a hitch. 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A separate arrangement allowed Ukraine to jump the line of customers who had bought air defenses from the United States, with the exceptions of Taiwan and Israel. At the same time, the United States secretly helped kick-start Ukraine's production of attack drones. One problem Trump has is that his Defense Department is a conscientious objector to his new policy and will almost certainly drag its feet. His Ukraine envoy, Keith Kellogg, is based at the State Department and focuses more on diplomacy with Kyiv than on shaping the battlefield. Kellogg's team could be given this new role—but there is another option. A number of pro-Trump and pro-Ukraine 'America First' proponents remain outside the government, despite having wanted to join the administration. Factions inside the administration, led by Vice President J. D. Vance, favored a foreign policy of restraint and likely excluded these figures. Now could be a time to bring some of them in. Andrew Ryvkin: Putin isn't actually enjoying this If Trump had a small team dedicated to strengthening Ukraine's negotiating position, it could hash out an air-defense megadeal that Trump may have alluded to yesterday: Europe would agree to buy a number of Patriot systems from the United States, on the understanding that these orders would jump to the front of the line when the systems are produced. Then the Europeans would immediately give the Patriot systems they already have to Ukraine. The Trump administration could figure out which of the weapons that Ukraine most needs can be provided in sufficient volume only by the United States. Europe would reimburse Washington for sending those to Ukraine as soon as possible. Washington could strike an agreement with Kyiv, trading, say, U.S. access to the intellectual property for Ukraine's new drone technology for Ukrainian access to designs for older American weapons and air-defense systems. The U.S. and Ukraine could then co-produce the drones—including in factories in the United States. The Trump team could bring South Korea back into the mix and ask Seoul to indirectly assist Ukraine with artillery rounds in exchange for Ukrainian assistance on counter-drone technology. (The U.S. could benefit from Ukrainian counter-drone expertise, too.) The Trump administration has eased some sanctions on Russia and failed to update others in ways that keep them effective. A dedicated team could put pressure on the Treasury and Commerce Departments to properly enforce the sanctions already on the books and intensify sanctions on Russia's energy sector. It could also work closely with Europe and Ukraine to figure out how to hold Russia off for the next couple of years if necessary. Europe would be the lead partner for Ukraine, but U.S. support would be helpful. Trump is not going to get an immediate deal to end the war, but if he steps up support for Ukraine, he could still secure the peace later in his term. Putin wants what he wants in Ukraine, and he will stop only when he's fully convinced that what he wants is unattainable. The sooner Ukraine and its partners can demonstrate that to the Kremlin, the sooner this war will come to an end.